洛克分权理论研究——与孟德斯鸠“三权分立”理论之比较

通说认为,孟德斯鸠的"三权分立"优于洛克的分权理论,该观点忽视了两种理论产生及历史意义的国别性。洛克的分权理论所体现的内容反映了英国的国情特征,并非不成熟的"分权"理论。其历史地位与历史意义均超越孟德斯鸠的"三权分立"理论,是自然法哲学思想中的重要转折点,对自然法的历史演进起着关键性作用。分权理论的真正奠基人是洛克,而非孟德斯鸠。     

财政分权及纵向财政不平衡对中国基础教育质量的影响

我国是世界上分权程度最高的国家之一。作为公共财政框架部分之一的基础教育,也就是义务教育,也实行了分权化管理。基础教育的事权主要由地方政府,尤其是县、乡两级政府来承担,这并不合理。1994年的分税制改革,在提高"两个比例"的同时,却导致了纵向财政不平衡,使得地方政府入不敷出,不得不优先考虑经济发展等"硬指标",同时压缩基础教育方面的投资。支出上的分权也会导致地方政府减少教育公共品的供给。实证检验的结果证明了这种现象是确实存在于中国的基础教育中。     

我国上市公司财务管理权限的现状分析与对策研究

对上市公司在财务管理权限上的集权与分权问题,必须着眼于长期的战略性的财务决策与协调。文章分析了对上市公司财务管理集权与分权的现状,认为财务管理组织结构的总成本是由于缺乏信息引起的成本和由于目际不一致引起的成本之和,组织的最优分权程度对应着总成本最低的一点。     

从城市化规律角度雏析中外城市复兴特征差异

通过借助城市化基本规律的理论基础,从城市化规律角度研究西方城市化中逆城市化和城市空心化现象的影响因素,以及探讨中国城市化阶段与城市空心化问题,分析逆城市化和城市空心化现象与城市复兴之间的相互关系。在分析比较的基础上,初步认识现时中国城市复兴的实质特征,指出复兴项目基本上仅是城市开发中局部的城市更新,与西方城市复兴有所区别。     

Engaging decentralization in an uncertain political context: Lessons from Liberia

This study uses a Diagnostic Framework for Local Governance to evaluate the current capacity for administrative decentralization at the county level in Liberia, as well as to identify political economy challenges and opportunities surrounding decentralization. Applying the Problem‐Driven Iterative Adaptation (PDIA) framework to our findings, we offer recommendations for moving decentralization reform forward. We find strong demand for administrative decentralization among local officials, and propose that decentralization reform can be enhanced through incremental implementation that focuses on strengthening the existing structures and capacity of local administration, and through the creation of stronger accountability and participatory mechanisms. The triangulated research design includes focus group and interview data in eight Liberian counties, analyzed using NVivo Qualitative Data Analysis Software.     

Changing patterns of mobility,citizenship and conflict in Indonesia

ABSTRACT

Mobility and migration are inherent ingredients of Indonesian cultures. In an archipelago with thousands of islands of various size, character and nature, mobility is an important means to make a living and to survive by migration. The right to free movement in Indonesia is constitutionally granted. It can create mobility and give expression to equal citizenship rights at the same time as it can trigger the enforcement of borders among cultural groups and the ethnification of local and regional politics. Mobility thus always comes along with immobility. Physical mobility of one group of people might cause immobility of another group or it might create cultural and political immobility in the same group. In places such as Eastern Indonesia, people have developed reciprocal means to integrate newcomers. Whereas the immigrants are usually disadvantaged citizens with regards to land and customary rights, those living in the area for generations have nonetheless become integral parts of quite peaceful local settings, one way or the other. The advancement of decentralization, democratization and direct elections of political representatives can lead to political empowerment, the promotion of ethnicity as election capital and changing patterns of belonging. This paper illustrates these ambivalences by looking at mobility in Indonesia more generally and how changing national policies and laws lead to reinterpretations of mobility patterns and trigger changes in relations between local population groups and existing mechanisms of cultural and political inclusion and exclusion. Butonese migrants in Maluku will here serve as a case study.     

西方权力制衡理论的历史溯源

西方权力制衡理论萌芽于古希腊古罗马时代。亚里士多德在继承柏拉图思想的基础上提出了不同阶级通过参与城邦政治,并在不同政治机构中参与管理的混合政体思想。后古罗马的波里比阿提出了君主、寡头和民主三位一体的混合政体思想。此后,中世纪以王权和教权为主的二元权力化体系更是界定了政教各自独立、互相平衡、相互制约的控制领域。上述思想观点和实践为近代分权与制衡理论的形成奠定了思想基础。     

Overcoming terms of service: a proposal for ethical distributed research

ABSTRACT

The last two years has marked a turning point in access to large-scale social media data for many researchers, as platforms hobbled their APIs and made recording, archiving, and analyzing social life online far more difficult. Particularly in the context of the United States, where violating the rules put in place by social platforms has the potential to lead to criminal charges, the balance of power between the extremely financially successful social media industry on one side, and the users and researchers of these platforms on the other, has become dangerously skewed. This article argues for a pragmatic partnering with the users to do research, rather than with the platform owners, and suggests some ways in which this might be accomplished.     

财政分权、经济集聚与环境污染——基于省级面板数据的实证研究

如何实现经济发展与环境质量之间的协调发展已成为热点议题，文章基于我国1997—2016年数据从财政分权、经济集聚的视角出发实证检验了其对我国环境污染的影响机理。结果表明：财政分权、经济集聚对环境污染分别产生负向和正向作用，经济集聚可以促进财政分权减少环境污染；进一步针对地区进行分析，发现经济基础、资源禀赋等差异会导致财政分权、经济集聚对环境污染的影响机制存在较大差异，财政分权导致东北和东部地区污染加剧、中部和西部地区污染减轻，经济集聚明显有利于东部和西部地区、不利于东北和中部地区的财政分权减少环境污染。应因地制宜推动财政分权改革和地方政府考核机制创新，以提高环境质量。