晚清私寓的戏曲传承活动

晚清私寓是戏曲史上的一种独特现象,它既是一种培养艺人、传承戏曲的组织,同时又具有浓厚的娱乐性,形同歌楼酒馆。私寓弟子演戏之外,亦凭借自身姿色,兼营侑酒等娱乐活动,同时具有倡、优两种身份。因而,与普通的科班、戏班等传承组织相比,私寓在弟子的来源与选择、培养方式、师徒关系等方面,均有鲜明的特色,并对后世戏曲的面貌产生了深刻的影响。     

Deliberative street politics and sacralized dissent: Morocco’s 20 February movement and the Jamaa Al Adl Wal Ihsane

During a wave of protest in 2011, Morocco was home to its own uprisings, spurred on by the 20 February movement. Unlike its neighbors to the east, the Moroccan regime was never dismantled. So, what was the sociopolitical significance of the 20 February movement? This profile examines the landscape at the time of uprisings and presents brief interview data to make the case that these protests facilitated a political articulation and a new deliberative street politics.     

Society without the social: the Spanish labour movement and the rise of the social, 1840–1880

Focusing on the Spanish case, this article addresses two fundamental questions: why were many unionized workers sceptical about state intervention in labour issues throughout the nineteenth century, and why did this attitude begin to change from the 1860s onwards? Its main thesis is that workers’ attitudes derived ultimately from different historical notions of ‘society’ that shaped their perceptions and experiences of labour relations and their attitude toward the role of the state. Thus, a notion of society as an aggregation of individuals shaped unionized Spanish workers’ hostility toward state intervention since the creation of the first unions in the 1840s. From the 1860s onward, a new conception of collective relations, namely ‘the social’, began to transform some workers’ expectations of the role of the state in labour conflicts. The main factor that explains this change, it is argued, lies in the relationship between the workers’ imaginary, their actions, and their expectations about these actions.     

基于邻避运动视域的中产阶层功能重新审视]——以R市的“核邻避运动”为例

国内学术界将“中产阶层”视为社会政治“稳定—缓冲”器的认知看似符合静态的中国社会结构，但就现实而言，却忽略了转型期中国政治社会情境的复杂性和过渡性。近年来，城市中产业主引发的愈演愈烈的邻避运动，更是挑战这一传统认知。基于R市“核邻避运动”的视域，我们发现中国城市中产阶层的社会政治功能在某一特定时间流下会发生转变，甚至出现了“稳定器”和“动荡器”两个相对立的社会、政治功能。而差别阶层特质、中产精英上台等内部中介机制,以及怨愤情绪生产、政府内部分歧等外部中介机制，是中产阶层社会政治功能演化的深层机制。此外，值得注意的是，由于“身份限制”和“制度限制”的二重性，中产阶层的社会政治功能往往并不会演变为“颠覆—异化”器。     

阿富汗出土梵语戏剧残叶跋

20世纪90年代中在阿富汗出土了一叶梵语戏剧残片。本文介绍了哈特曼教授对该残片的转写与英译,并结合汉译佛经中与印度古代戏剧表演相关的史料,为中印（或梵汉）戏剧关系史研究提供了一些新的思考。     

克吕尼运动的性质及其与格列高利改革的关系

本文旨在考察克吕尼运动的性质及其与格列高利改革的关系。作为中世纪欧洲集权尝试的开端,克吕尼运动和格列高利改革分别指向集权的两个基本面,即道德方面和政治方面。克吕尼运动在本质上是一场道德革新运动,其成功关键在于将集权作为道德革新的基本手段。格列高利改革将克吕尼的经验拓展至政治领域,一反遁世离俗的本尼迪克式理想,要求按照基督教原则改造现实世界,从而奠定了12、13世纪政教斗争的基本逻辑。一方面,克吕尼运动为格列高利改革提供了思想条件和技术手段;另一方面,克吕尼运动始终将自己约束在道德革新领域。究其原因,它的理想本质上是本尼迪克式的。     

略论中国古典戏曲中的咒语现象

在中国古典戏曲描写中,"咒语"常出现在唱词和科白里。就形态上看,可分为自咒与他咒两种类型;就内涵上看则涉及爱情生活、巫术攻侵、战事、佛道文化等等方面。对这些咒语事象作民俗文化学角度的考察,探究它们的形式、内涵、源流、变化及其在其它文体文献中的反映,可以见出文学母题学的传承性意义,以及戏曲作品"叙事单元"模态化的规律。     

How social media matter: Repression and the diffusion of the Occupy Wall Street movement

This study explores the role played by social media in reshaping the repression-mobilization relationship. Drawing on the case of the Occupy Wall Street movement, we examine the impact of Facebook and Twitter on the spatial diffusion of protests during a period of heightened state repression. Results from event history analyses suggest that the effects of repression on protest diffusion are contingent on the presence of social media accounts supporting the movement. We find that state repression at earlier protest sites encouraged activists to create Facebook and Twitter accounts in their own cities, which then served as important vehicles for the initiation of new Occupy protests. Moreover, results suggest that repression incidents can directly facilitate future protests in cities that already have Occupy Facebook accounts. This study highlights the potential of social media to both mediate and moderate the influence of repression on the diffusion of contemporary movements.     

Making Space for the Maid

Chinese television dramas over the past decades have seen the rise and decline of various narratives, but no other narratives speak to the emerging urban middle class's fear and anxiety more palpably than the stories of the maid. However, despite the growing popularity of the maid stories among urban viewers, most of these stories do not resonate with domestic workers themselves. How do we make sense of the growing popularity of the maid stories among urban viewers? And how do we account for the differentiated capacity to resonate and identify with the characters among viewers? These are important questions to consider if one is to understand the new cultural politics of power and social formations in post-Mao China. In this paper, I explore some of the crucial ways in which a controlling gaze is facilitated and naturalised by the visualisation of place and space in these dramas. Then, through both critical analyses and engaged ethnography, I demonstrate how two sets of controlling gaze—everyday and televisual—reinforce and justify each other. Finally, I advance the concept of “peripheral vision,” which, I show, denies the modernist “master” narrative of the city and, instead, empowers the subaltern figure with an epistemological position of “eye-witness” and anthropologist of the city.     

Books Received

No abstract available for this article.