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61.
The disability movement and disabled persons’ self-help organizations (DPOs) are emerging in China, some of which succeeded in promoting policy and social changes with special strategies. Based on an original survey and interview, this article explains the development and survival strategies of China’s DPOs, and especially interprets some successful cases of social advocacy and policy advocacy in the emerging disability movement. It is hoped that scholars will pay more attention to the advocacy and public engagement of the disability community in non-western settings in the future.  相似文献   
62.
Over the last 30 years, the victims' rights movement has expanded the role of victims in the American criminal justice system. As a result of this movement, judges, prosecutors and parole boards must now hear victims' views at all stages of the criminal justice process, including plea bargains, and sentencing and parole decisions. Legislative efforts have been spearheaded by victims' families, and legislation has been named after deceased victims. Also, victims' families can now view executions in states across the country. The victims' right movement assumes that the criminal justice system should privilege victims' interests over those of society. In so doing, it denies society as a consideration, which is tantamount to a denial of society itself. This article positions victims' rights' denial of society within the current conjuncture, marked as it is by the contradiction between neoliberalism and American liberalism. Victims' rights' denial of society is an expression of the denial of society implicit in American neoliberalism, which seeks to privilege individual interests over those of society. This paper argues that victims' rights is a powerful element of the neoliberal project for three reasons. First, victims' rights imputes the authority of legal discourse to neoliberalism's denial of society. Second, important actors in the rise of neoliberalism have also worked to establish victims' rights. Finally, victims' rights comprehensively circulates throughout America and offers powerful points of identification that incorporate Americans into the victims' rights formation. I explore the denial of society in three victims' rights practices: naming criminal legislation after crime victims and passing such laws in honour of victims; allowing victims' families to view executions; and prosecutors, judges and police personnel making legal decisions according to victims' wishes. I examine the consonant denial of society in three neoliberal practices – monetarism, supply-side economics and welfare reform – and demonstrate how neoliberal advocates like Bill Clinton, Ronald Reagan and Paul Gann worked to advance victims' rights. I also describe the production, consumption and comprehensive circulation of victims' rights texts. Finally, I consider Cultural Studies' unique contribution to legal studies.  相似文献   
63.
This article draws on a case study of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) and queer politics in Vermont to explain the conditions under which radical discourse gains and loses a public voice. In contrast to claims that the marginalization of queer discourse is due to silencing by LGBT rights activists or to litigation strategies, we argue that variation in queer discourse over time is the result of the co‐optation of queer discourse and goals by opponents. Extending the social movement literature on frame variation, we argue that opponents co‐opt discourse when they adopt aspects of the content of a movement's discourse, while subverting its intent. We show that conservative LGBT rights opponents co‐opted queer discourse. As a result, queer positions lost their viability as the discursive field in which those arguments were made was fundamentally altered. Because queer positions became less tenable, we see the withdrawal of queer discourse from the mainstream and alternative LGBT media. Our work both supports and builds on research on frame variation by demonstrating how discourse can change over time in response to the interplay between changing aspects of the political and cultural landscape and the discourse of opponents.  相似文献   
64.
在全党开展以实践“三个代表”重要思想为主要内容的保持共产党员先进性教育活动,取得了宝贵而丰富的成功经验。保持党的先进性,加强党的先进性建设,必须同加强党的执政能力建设结合起来;必须坚持马克思主义不动摇,以“三个代表”重要思想为指导,以实践“三个代表”重要思想为核心;坚持把经常性教育与适当的集中教育结合起来;坚持以正面教育与自我教育为主;坚持区别情况,分类指导原则;坚持走群众路线,自觉接受群众监督;坚持把制度建设放在重要位置。这些经验充分体现了马克思主义辩证唯物主义和历史唯物主义观点,体现了马克思主义与时俱进品质。  相似文献   
65.
古希腊戏剧起源于酒神狄奥尼索斯的庆祭仪式。在古希腊戏剧萌芽、产生、发展和成熟的过程中,始终受到古希腊社会、宗教环境的束缚,洋溢着浓厚的宗教色彩。从古希腊戏剧的题材、结构、情节乃至内容里,都可以找到宗教仪式的影子,所以古希腊的戏剧演出自始至终都不仅仅是一种纯娱乐的活动,而是城邦政治生活和宗教生活的一部分。  相似文献   
66.
为了回应后学的“理论终结说”与“戏剧衰退论”,伊瑟尔在文学人类学视阈下,重述虚构与想象在文本游戏中的相互作用,并且绘制其历史流变的美学图谱,进而搭建主体间性交往诗学的理论框架。伊瑟尔藉由转换问题的提问方式,达到如下双重目的:一是阐释早期接受美学所遗存之“何为戏剧”与“戏剧何为”的不解之间,二是呈现公共观演空间中身心一体的戏剧交往。  相似文献   
67.
国内学术界迄今认为,犹太古典文学中没有真正意义上的即适合舞台演出的戏剧。然而事实并非如此。本文首次对一部犹太古典戏剧《领出去》予以评介,认为这是一部雄浑、悲壮、自豪而充满自信的历史剧,它艺术地展现了以色列人出埃及事件的历史意义;其戏剧艺术主要得益于典范的古希腊戏剧,尤其是雅典的悲剧,剧作家以西结有意识地遵循舞台演出原则,把《出埃及记》中一些无法搬上舞台的叙述性语言转换成人物独白或对话,在幕、场的设置,诗韵的运用等方面对古希腊戏剧既极力模仿又有所突破,大体做到了“犹太躯体与希腊服饰”的合一。  相似文献   
68.
初期白话新诗运动的兴起与新诗的倡导者、尝试者们的求真精神密切相关。"求真"精神就是在创作中融入诗人自身真实的人生体验,在诗歌中注入时代精神。求真精神是初期白话新诗运动的重要动力和艺术追求之一。理解了这一点,能较客观地分析白话新诗所呈现出来的内容和形式上的独特性;把握白话新诗与中国古典诗词的联系以及正确地看待外国诗歌对中国新诗的影响。  相似文献   
69.
作为当代著名的哲学家、逻辑学家,冯契对逻辑范畴作了开拓性的探索:阐明了逻辑范畴的辩证本性和特点;考察了逻辑范畴体系与认识的辩证运动;建构了以“类”、“故”、“理”为骨架的逻辑范畴体系;探讨了以“类”、“故”、“理”为骨架的逻辑范畴体系的方法论意义。  相似文献   
70.
日本近代的文体变革与民族国家的转型是相辅相成的。从明治维新开始,日本迈向了民族国家的征程。在国家意识的支配下,日本以东京话为标准建立“国语”来统合全体国民。随着民族主义的盛行,日本知识界在书面语系统着意削减汉字、增加假名,建构与“汉文脉”不同的“言文一致体”。通过报纸杂志的传播、学校教育的推广,以及自由民权运动的政治动员和战争报道的大量应用,最终形成了一种与口语密切结合、并适用于所有国民的新型文体。  相似文献   
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