Activist online resource mobilization: Relationship building features that fulfill resource dependencies

This study examined activist group websites (N = 300) to determine how activists are engaging in resource mobilization online and provides a benchmark for current mobilization practices by activists. Website features asking visitors to donate, join the organization, and links to other activist groups were most common on the sites. The study positions resource mobilization in terms of online relationships and organizational linkages, argues that resource dependencies drive mobilization efforts and that resource-based relationships with publics may be established in the mobilization process.     

建国初期上海卫生运动述论

新中国成立初期,为了快速有效地建立卫生防疫体系,中国共产党在全国范围之内发动了规模空前的卫生运动。上海作为人口超过500万的超大型城市,卫生防疫事业显得尤为重要和紧迫。为此,新政府采取了发动群众,组织社会运动的形式来推动卫生防疫事业的开展。事实证明,这样的方式解决了政府资源不足而可能招致的效能低下问题,更为重要的是,卫生运动迅速有效地降低了各种疫病的爆发率,市民生命健康水平显著提高。     

民用工业动员基础的内涵及构成

民用工业动员基础是民用工业动员赖以实施的基础条件,它对民用工业动员,乃至国民经济动员的有效实施起着十分重要的作用。在对民用工业动员基础的内涵、外延进行界定的基础上,从系统论角度探讨了民用工业动员基础的构成。认为:民用工业动员基础由产品生产、创新研发、维护保养和组织协调四个子系统构成,并进一步分析了各子系统的构成模块及其构成要素,讨论了影响各模块运行效果的因素,为民用工业动员基础的研究和建设提供了一种新的视角。     

试析中央苏区群众运动模式的运作

中国共产党成立后，群众运动作为阶级斗争的表现形式就伴随着党的历史。苏区局部执政时期，党通过宣传的普适化、组织的严密化、肃反的经常化，保证了苏区群众运动轰轰烈烈的开展。建国后，群众运动动员模式虽不断重塑，但相对于苏区中共局部执政时期的运作式样，其实是形变而实存。     

经济转型中航运价格双轨制过渡的经济学分析

在阐述经济转型与价格双轨制过渡基本理论的基础上,将航运价格的市场化纳入研究双轨制过渡的一般框架。通过对标准模型的修正,分析航运价格双轨制的资源配置效率和动态特征。研究发现,随着政府定价承运货物的份额缩减,航运企业可以更接近最优生产组合,从而从动态角度推动并轨。     

新中国初期基层政府灾害应对机制研究——以1959年登陆福建台风灾害为例

1959年为新中国成立十年来福建台风较为严重的一年,如何应对灾害是对新中国政府执政能力和应对水准的一次严峻考验。基层政府对灾害的应对机制发生了明显变化,应对机制的成熟表现在以下几个方面：社会动员机制、信息沟通机制、灾后重建机制,对其进行考察,可为现阶段我国灾害应急机制的建立和完善提供借鉴。     

Academic opportunity structures and the creation of campus activism

Past research points to elite, liberal and/or wealthy universities and colleges as the most likely sites of campus activism. In addition, periods of high social movement mobilization in society in general are given credit in spurring student activists. In contrast, this study examines how a feminist activist subculture is created on a conservative campus at a time of subdued societal activism. I draw on a four-year ethnography of a U.S.-based, feminist-oriented student organization to conceptualize how universities facilitate student groups through an ‘academic opportunity structure,’ and in the process promote the development of an activist subculture. In doing so, I argue that universities, like the political and cultural environment, can be open or closed to campus activism. When there is a favourable environment, universities require the creation of formalized organizations, centralized leadership, and an institutional history. In response to meeting these requirements, universities then provide necessary resources to student groups and facilitate activism. These academic opportunity structures then foster activist subcultures that allow student groups to continue over time with the potential to influence the larger university culture.     

Understanding Persistence in the Resistance

Since Donald Trump's inauguration, large‐scale protest events have taken place around the United States, with many of the biggest events being held in Washington, DC. The streets of the nation's capital have been flooded with people marching about a diversity of progressive issues, including women's rights, climate change, and gun violence. Although research has found that these events have mobilized a high proportion of repeat participants who come out again and again, limited research has focused on understanding differential participation in protest, especially during one cycle of contention. This article, accordingly, explores the patterns among the protest participants to understand differential participation and what we refer to as “persistence in the Resistance.” In it, we analyze a unique data set collected from surveys conducted with a field approximation of a random sample of protest participants at the largest protest events in Washington, DC, since the Resistance began at the 2017 Women's March. Our findings provide insights into repeat protesters during this cycle of contention. The article concludes by discussing how our findings contribute to the research on differential participation.     

农民工:跨省流动与省内流动

文章通过2005年10月初进行的932份四川、广东农民工问卷调查,发现跨省流动和省内流动农民工在来源地、性别、年龄特征、文化程度、职业分布、收入水平、收入水平影响因素、生活费开支、年收入节余、工作期望、分项指标工作满意度、留城意向等方面都存在显著差异,但在总体工作满意度方面不存在显著差异。据此,该研究不支持托达罗人口流动模型,同时提出了农民工流动的“双拉力”理论。     

抗战时期陕甘宁边区的乡村动员

抗战时期,在陕甘宁边区,中国共产党发展农业、手工业和商业,给农民带来了看得到的经济利益;通过民主选举、民主监督等提高民众的民主觉悟和政治参与水平;发展社会教育,提高民众的思想文化水平。由此,中国共产党有效地动员了民众并控制了社会资源。