奥巴马政府对朝政策的新理念及其走向

奥巴马政府上台后,其主要致力于应对金融危机和反恐战争.对朝政策上,其在"巧实力"外交理念的指导下,寻求在外交、经济、军事、政治、法律和文化等所有政策工具中选择正确的工具或组合.针对朝核问题的敏感性和脆弱性,奥巴马政府倾向于"冷处理",继而"多管齐下",在合作外交的框架内展开更加灵活的外交活动,促使朝鲜重返六方会谈,继续以对话方式处理相关问题,不过美国也适度增强了对朝鲜的威慑力量,奥巴马政府仍对美朝关系正常化持一种谨慎态度.     

马汉和他的“海权论”

阿尔弗雷德·塞耶·马汉在其代表作《海权对历史的影响，1660—1783}中，奠定了“海权论”的基础：1．海权在一个民族和国家的形成过程中扮演了极其重要的角色；2．海权体系由各机构、设施、商船和海军舰队所组成；3．在国家各种力量中，海军是最重要的力量；4．海军的战略目标是在一场决战中打垮敌方舰队，夺取“制海权”；5．海军是美国争霸世界的基础。     

大学生权力感唤起的ERP研究

心理学研究中的权力被认为是一种权力感。权力感是一种对他人影响的知觉，在这一概念中权力被外部刺激唤起。研究选择行为反应和ERP技术相结合的手段，采用经过评定的、舍有权力意义的动词和名词，唤起参与者的权力感。通过对参与者不同权力感水平下的脑电特点进行分析，探索权力感产生的神经机制，实现了权力感启动效果评估的精确性。研究发现，大学生对权力词汇词性涵义的加工过程迅速、自发，对于早期ERP正成分，名词诱发的EPP波幅比动词更大，EPP潜伏期在右侧额区比左侧额区更短；大学生高低权力词汇唤起的N300和N400波幅存在显著差异，与高权力词汇有关的脑电成分主要在左侧额区被唤起。     

The politics of community arts: quilting the power and identity of women

This article attempts to articulate and re-validate the unique social contributions of marginalized and working women to their communities and to society-at-large, contributions which tend to be obscured if not forgotten, given the global dynamics of exclusion as they are at work in the capitalist society of Hong Kong. It looks at how a group of disenfranchised women workers renegotiate their identity, reclaim their dignity and regenerate social power through a community arts project ‘Quilting the Power and Identity’; that is, how through these creative but powerful actions, their transformation from a transient state of imposed victimhood into active agency could be made possible.     

对延安整风运动历史经验的借鉴与反思——基于宪法学的分析

延安整风运动的宪政内涵、制约权力和保障权利思想,对于密切党群关系和建立新政权发挥了重要的作用,同时运动中存在的程序上和制度层面的缺憾也对后世有消极影响。当今中国特色社会主义宪政建设要吸取延安整风运动的经验教训,既要依靠法律和制度,加强对国家机关的制约和监督;同时创造条件,依法保障公民的批评权。     

论思想解放的内在机制

今天的解放思想已经从人类社会特殊历史时刻才出现的重大的思想和理论变革运动转变为社会发展的经常性、普遍化、常规化、常态化的内在要求和有机组成部分。解放思想是人之生存结构中给定性与创造性、自然性与超越性之间的张力和冲突的集中体现，它的动力机制和制约机制具体表现为：创新的与保守的思想观念之间的张力和冲突、开放的与封闭的思维方式之间的张力和冲突、现代的与传统的文化模式之间的张力和冲突。在新的解放思想进程中，我们不仅要积极推动各个领域各个层面的具体的解放思想；而且要高度关注解放思想的机制体制建设，特别是解放思想的文化创新机制的形成：营造尊重不同思想观念的制度文化，确立开放包容和求异创新的思维方式，培育尊重个性和创新的文化模式。     

A comparison of some conditional and unconditional exact tests for 2x2 contingency tables

In 1935, R.A. Fisher published his well-known “exact” test for 2x2 contingency tables. This test is based on the conditional distribution of a cell entry when the rows and columns marginal totals are held fixed. Tocher (1950) and Lehmann (1959) showed that Fisher s test, when supplemented by randomization, is uniformly most powerful among all the unbiased tests UMPU). However, since all the practical tests for 2x2 tables are nonrandomized - and therefore biased the UMPU test is not necessarily more powerful than other tests of the same or lower size. Inthis work, the two-sided Fisher exact test and the UMPU test are compared with six nonrandomized unconditional exact tests with respect to their power. In both the two-binomial and double dichotomy models, the UMPU test is often less powerful than some of the unconditional tests of the same (or even lower) size. Thus, the assertion that the Tocher-Lehmann modification of Fisher's conditional test is the optimal test for 2x2 tables is unjustified.     

东周时期周王权力研究述评

近年来周王权力问题颇受学界关注,大量成果问世。本文旨在回顾东周时期周王权力的情况,简评这一问题的研究现状,并提出对此问题的一些思考。     

Power To Our Journeys: Re‐membering Michael

The following personal reflections are in honour of Michael and all that he contributed to our lives. And, we honour Brigitte a key member of the group who died in 2006. Mem, Sue and Veronica, December 2008.     

NIMBY, CLAMP, and the Location of New Nuclear-Related Facilities: U.S. National and 11 Site-Specific Surveys

Public and political opposition have made finding locations for new nuclear power plants, waste management, and nuclear research and development facilities a challenge for the U.S. government and the nuclear industry. U.S. government-owned properties that already have nuclear-related activities and commercial nuclear power generating stations are logical locations. Several studies and utility applications to the Nuclear Regulatory Commission suggest that concentrating locations at major plants (CLAMP) has become an implicit siting policy. We surveyed 2,101 people who lived within 50 miles of 11 existing major nuclear sites and 600 who lived elsewhere in the United States. Thirty-four percent favored CLAMP for new nuclear power plants, 52% for waste management facilities, and 50% for new nuclear laboratories. College educated, relatively affluent male whites were the strongest CLAMP supporters. They disproportionately trusted those responsible for the facilities and were not worried about existing nuclear facilities or other local environmental issues. Notably, they were concerned about continuing coal use. Not surprisingly, CLAMP proponents tended to be familiar with their existing local nuclear site. In short, likely CLAMP sites have a large and politically powerful core group to support a CLAMP policy. The challenge to proponents of nuclear technologies will be to sustain this support and expand the base among those who clearly are less connected and receptive to new nearby sites.