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231.
Racial/ethnic and socio‐economic biases in child maltreatment severity assessment in Spanish child protection services caseworkers
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Ignacia Arruabarrena Joaquín de Paúl Silvia Indias Mikel García 《Child & Family Social Work》2017,22(2):575-586
Evidence from several countries has shown the over‐representation of racial/ethnic minority groups in child protection services (CPS). The objective of the present study was to explore whether racial/ethnic and socio‐economic biases influence Spanish CPS caseworkers' judgements of the severity of child maltreatment. Moreover, the study attempted to explore the influence on these judgements of the use of structured instruments and professional experience. Two case vignettes of child maltreatment were presented to 405 CPS caseworkers and 169 students of social work and psychology. Family ethnic origin and income were manipulated in the vignettes. The findings showed no statistical evidence of biases related to family ethnic origin or socio‐economic status (SES) in Spanish CPS caseworkers' judgements of maltreatment severity. Biases related to family SES were found for students for the vignettes of physical abuse. CPS caseworkers and students who did not use a structured instrument to assess maltreatment severity tended to underestimate the severity for the vignettes of parental incapacity to control child/adolescent behaviour and to overestimate it for the vignettes of physical abuse. CPS caseworkers who used a structured instrument showed higher percentages of accuracy and inter‐rater agreement, supporting the relevance of structured tools in reducing potential caseworkers' biases. 相似文献
232.
‘Do you want to do some arm wrestling?’: children's strategies when experiencing domestic violence and the meaning of age
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Carolina Överlien 《Child & Family Social Work》2017,22(2):680-688
The aim of this study is, by analysing children's and young people's discourses, to investigate their strategies in response to domestic violence episodes, in relation to their age. The empirical data come from individual interviews with children and young people (ages 8–20 years) who had experienced domestic violence and lived at refuges for abused women. The thematic analysis shows that the children describe a wide range of strategies before, during and after a violent episode, that all children act regardless of age and that strategies vary according not only to age but also to situation and context. The theoretical framework used is the sociology of childhood, and the analysis engages with theoretical concepts of age, agency and positioning. 相似文献
233.
234.
庞好农 《重庆邮电大学学报(社会科学版)》2017,29(6):128-133
萨伏伊在《异域》里把美国南方视为一个不同于美国北方的“异域”,从系统力量之异、种族关系之异和种族心理之异的角度展现“异域”之异,揭露黑人的悲剧人生和白人种族主义制度的非人性和非理性.政治之异、司法之异和大众媒体之异显示了美国社会系统力量的冲突和内耗,抨击了不合理社会制度的反人类性和反文明性.种族情结、种族疏离和信用危机引发的种族关系之异严重威胁着社会稳定和人身安全,恶化了美国的种族关系;身份焦虑、歧视焦虑和越界焦虑通常会深化美国社会的种族心理之异,加剧黑人的双重意识危机,妨碍美国多元化社会的建立和发展. 相似文献
235.
闫卫芳 《河北工程大学学报(社会科学版)》2017,34(1):93-95
人际语法隐喻作为语法隐喻的重要组成部分,是人际意义在语气和情态方面的非一致式表达。语言形式不同,则其传达的语言意义也不尽相同。从语用学、社会学、语篇分析等多个维度综合考察人际语法隐喻非常规表达的语言学意义,挖掘其折射出的特殊人际意义,从而探求人际语法隐喻使用的语言学理据。 相似文献
236.
The concept of identity is ubiquitous in public discourse even though its meaning is often imprecise or nebulous – it is maybe because of this that its contents can be taken for granted. One speaks of individual, personal, group, social, collective and political identity; of identity formation, crisis, diffusion, conflict and politics; a multiple identity may be pathological or a component of an integrated identity; culture and ideology but also knowledge and experience supposedly enrich identity; identity may be rigid or open to development and growth – and so on. Against this background the present paper explores the argumentative uses of the concept of identity in psychoanalysis and in social psychology and sociology. 相似文献
237.
Judith Bessant 《Information, Communication & Society》2017,20(7):1057-1072
ABSTRACTThis article argues that the conventional conceptualization in political science of politics is problematic, that it is overly narrow and constrained. This is because it excludes a range of actions like satire and humour which have come to play an increasing role in inspiring and provoking powerful political emotions and in informing the political agenda. Drawing on the work of critical scholars, it is argued that emotion, ethics and art can be deeply political. Moreover, new forms of media have encouraged new–old forms of political action often at the hands of young people who hitherto have been marginalized from the public sphere. Digital technology enables the production of user-generated content, opening new spaces for information, the exchange of ideas and mobilization. This article highlights the work of the young German satirist Jan Böhmermann to demonstrate how expressive art is playing a major role in shaping public opinion, in contesting power elites and informing political debate. In short, I use Böhmermann’s 2015 satire depicting Greco-German relations in the midst of a financial crisis and fears of loan defaults to argue for a broader understanding of politics that is inclusive of activities conventionally deemed non-rational. 相似文献
238.
Matthias Revers 《Information, Communication & Society》2017,20(10):1554-1570
ICT adoption is predominantly considered as a process conditioned by social structures, social situations of adopters, and attributes and features of technologies. What is often overlooked are the cultural forces that shape adoption experiences and processes. This paper focuses on events and event narratives as vehicles through which the efficacy of culture unfolds in technological change processes. Cultural sociology has shown how influential events can be for forming public opinions and facilitating collective action. This article considers the power of one event on a much smaller scale: the passage of same-sex marriage (SSM) law in New York in June 2011 was not only significant for marriage equality in the US but also for the operating logic of the news ecosystem in which the political decision was made ? the state house in Albany. For the journalists who covered this event on the ground, the SSM decision was the catalyst to fully embrace Twitter. Years later, the event still served as an exemplar for the potentials of Twitter and as a basis of legitimacy of associated tweeting practices reporters incorporated. This contribution is based on ethnographic research at the state house in Albany, analysis of tweets and legacy news coverage published during that period, and in-depth interviews with reporters. 相似文献
239.
Pawan Dhingra 《Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power》2017,24(1):13-18
Artifacts and Allegiances: How Museums Put the Nation and the World on Display takes a global approach to how museums make sense of increased globalization and migration. Museums construct narratives that link their locality to the nation and to the world. Peggy Levitt’s major book explains how museums imagine themselves and how they work towards composing a kind of visitor experience. It is about museum visions, missions, and exhibitions as told through the eyes of those who create and are responsible for them, namely, top administrators, curators, politicians, and more. Her analysis explains why museums only a few hundred miles apart can have such different conceptions of how to create the proper citizen. As such, the book illuminates the power of a cultural sociological approach. 相似文献
240.
Hussin M. Mutalib 《Asian Ethnicity》2017,18(1):54-73
Many governments, in their zeal to progress and deliver the fruits of development, are caught in a web of unsavory habits and practices that impair not only their international image but also domestic legitimacy. One such perennially persistent and resilient disease is ‘money politics.’ Taking Malaysia as a case study, we note that despite sustaining a remarkable record of economic and multiethnic stability, the country has also been helpless in mitigating this obstinate issue. In this article, it is posited that the phenomenon is not a new or recent portent but has actually persisted even prior to independence. We shall then contend that unless the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition government attaches greater priority in stamping out this political bug, the country’s otherwise enviable development trajectory and the quest to reach a ‘developed nation’ status via its Vision 2020 declaration, even if fulfilled, are not cause for celebration, given its implications to the country’s economic sustainability and multiethnic stability. 相似文献