公民环境公益诉讼的动力机制

在分析公民环境公益诉讼的外在价值和内在价值的基础上,对公民提起诉讼动力不足的因素进行分析表明,动力不足的内在结构缺陷表现为经济理性满足度缺乏、生态理性缺失和法律理性先天不足等方面。应着力开发公民公益诉讼动力。     

土地资源管理及其行政公益诉讼制度的构建

当前,土地违法现象较为普遍,土地违法违纪在一定范围内存在。现行以行政管理为主的土地资源保护制度存在的问题。不利于国家土地保护目标的实现。建立土地行政公益诉讼制度将是应对土地资源保护不力局面的可行选择。     

占道模型:侵占公共利益的原因分析

对于目前各种公共利益和资源的侵占行为分析其原因是十分必要的。从常见的占道模型中,我们会找到侵占公共利益的行为存在的主观原因和客观原因。这些原因主要有:公共利益事实上的产权模糊或不明晰,各级政府及其工作人员对其控制的公共利益管理不善甚至监督不力、责任不清、责任被淡化,我国民众整体的法律意识水平不高甚至个别人法治观念淡薄,社会转型时期的公共利益供应不足等。     

论袁宏道思想的自我转变及其文化意义

晚明文学革新的主将袁宏道的思想一直处于不断的变迁之中.他思想的自我转变,主要是受制于他禅学趣向的转移以及生命态度的改变和政治环境的恶化.由于袁宏道在晚明学界和文界的特殊地位,因而他的思想变迁就显现出很充分的文化意义,成为我们考察晚明文人士大夫思想和生活的典型个案.     

Just another brick in the wall? The relationship between classroom-based political education and the political interest of young adults in Switzerland

This article asks whether political education at upper secondary school – i.e. shortly before or at the age when young people receive the right to vote – affects individual political interest as well as differences in political interest between social groups. Empirically, we use a novel data set combining individual student data with information on classroom-based political education as well as teacher characteristics. We do not find support for a more or less automatic and positive effect of classroom-based political education on young people’s political interest. Whereas we analyzed three dimensions of political education (knowledge, skills, arousing interest in politics), the skills dimension was the only one that exhibited a consistent positive (and mostly significant) relationship with young peoples’ political interest. Moreover, classroom-based political education seems not to compensate for a lack of political socialization at home but rather tends to affect students with politically interested parents most strongly.     

The echo chamber is overstated: the moderating effect of political interest and diverse media

ABSTRACT

In a high-choice media environment, there are fears that individuals will select media and content that reinforce their existing beliefs and lead to segregation based on interest and/or partisanship. This could lead to partisan echo chambers among those who are politically interested and could contribute to a growing gap in knowledge between those who are politically interested and those who are not. However, the high-choice environment also allows individuals, including those who are politically interested, to consume a wide variety of media, which could lead them to more diverse content and perspectives. This study examines the relationship between political interest as well as media diversity and being caught in an echo chamber (measured by five different variables). Using a nationally representative survey of adult internet users in the United Kingdom (N?=?2000), we find that those who are interested in politics and those with diverse media diets tend to avoid echo chambers. This work challenges the impact of echo chambers and tempers fears of partisan segregation since only a small segment of the population are likely to find themselves in an echo chamber. We argue that single media studies and studies which use narrow definitions and measurements of being in an echo chamber are flawed because they do not test the theory in the realistic context of a multiple media environment.     

Legitimate concerns about industry involvement in gambling research: response to Delfabbro and King (2017)

This paper provides a response to the commentary by Delfabbro and King (2017), which describes major criticisms of articles situated in a ‘political economy’ conceptual framework. The current paper argues that these criticisms obfuscate legitimate concerns about industry involvement in gambling research, and disregard important evidence about activities of hazardous-consumption industries which provide grounds for strong concern about commercial practices of the gambling industry. Although many aspects of the commentary by Delfabbro and King (2017) are contentious, the current paper summarizes conceptual and empirical literature which supports concern about (a) agency and collaboration in practices of the gambling industry, which make assertions of equivalence with a conspiracy theory both inappropriate and misleading, and (b) the role of research on problem gambling behaviours and pathologies in supporting agendas that may undermine public health. This indicates the need for the scientific community to take seriously its role in improving awareness of the hazards of commercial involvement in gambling research, and thus helping researchers to make informed decisions about these risks and their own manner of engagement with the gambling industry.     

Self-interest and the theory of action

The concept of self-interest remains underdeveloped in sociology although central to economics. Recent methodological and social trends render sociological indifference to the concept untenable. The term has enjoyed historical predominance in the West since the sixteenth century. While it is seen in modern economics as a singular motivating force, Adam Smith regarded self-interest in economic action as necessarily moderated by sympathy. In addition to its problematic economic conceptualization self-interest has an experiential basis in unequal power relations. An alternative to the concept of self-interest is presented by Amartya Sen in his account of commitment; its inconsistencies, however, render Sen's statement unsatisfactory. Differences between present and future interests indicate that the distinction between self-interested and other-interested action is not sustainable.     

论韩非基于工具性关系的义利统一观

利益至上导致义利天然对立,但是工具性关系能够实现义利统一;工具性关系使君臣关系有三点突破：依赖而不是主宰臣民、成就臣民的“富贵之业”、臣民只能以农战得富贵;工具性关系促进了君与民、民与民之间的平等．这也是工具性关系铸就强国的根本原因。     

论检察机关在环境公益诉讼中的法律地位

环境的公共性和检察权的公益性决定了检察机关有义务介入环境公益诉讼。关于检察机关在环境公益诉讼中的法律地位问题,学者们提出了不同的主张。在环境公益诉讼中检察机关只以一种身份出现的观点是片面的,环境公益诉讼的多样性决定了检察机关介入环境公益诉讼法律地位的多样性。在环境公益诉讼中检察机关的恰当角色是,根据案件的类型不同,分别以支持起诉人身份、准原告人身份、公益代表人身份出现,角色混乱将会造成事与愿违的效果。