当代西方女性主义公民观评析

西方社会目前正处于转型时期,这使得女性主义者重新关注公民制度,探讨如何在变革中实现男女平等和妇女自由。根据对主流社会自由主义价值观的不同反应,女性主义公民观大致可分为自由主义(其中包括人文主义和妇女中心主义)、共和主义和解构主义。由于当前制度建设的需要,共和主义和妇女中心主义的比重在逐渐加大。但这还有赖于解构主义的方法论,因而仍在自由主义的整体框架之内。     

社会性别视角下的妇女与艾滋病研究综述

社会性别视角下的艾滋病研究与社会性别理论在我国的发展历程密切相关,其研究过程可以分为1998—2002年的起步阶段和2003年以来的发展阶段。社会性别视角下的艾滋病研究突出了作为主体的女性,认为社会性别不平等是艾滋病流行特别是在女性中流行的深层原因,主张在艾滋病防治与研究中实行社会性别主流化。     

昆德拉之重

昆德拉之重在于生命不能承受之轻;在于生命中无以数计的“非如此不可”;在于不解之词所诏示的萨比娜的叠加式的背叛;在于镜子所裸现的特蕾莎别样亦可的身体;在于凭藉对残酷现实的幻化所构建的必然之舟上的别样女性与偶然女性。通过对生命不能承受之轻作一女性主义的胜揽和存在主义的洞见,旨在达成某种程度上的文学性和学术性兼具的批评向往。     

The Visibility of Feminist Thought in Family Studies

We assessed feminist visibility in family journals by tallying the feminist content of articles in Journal of Marriage and Family, Journal of Family Issues, and Family Relations. There was an increase in feminist visibility from 1972 to 1992, at which point the growth of visibility stalled. From 1992 to 2002, almost 1 out of 4 articles appeared to be influenced, at least minimally, by feminist scholarship when including in our tally a measure of articles' mentioning of gender in its abstract or title without a detectable feminist perspective in the article. Only about 6% of articles, however, involved an explicit feminist analysis. We offer explanations for this apparent glass ceiling for feminist visibility and make suggestions for future research.     

女权主义文学批评的20年历程

女权主义文学批评是 2 0世纪 60年代在西方诞生的一种重要的文学批评范式。由于缺乏相应的女权运动背景 ,直到 80年代我国才开始输入这种全新的文学批评理论与方法。回顾女权主义文学批评在我国的 2 0年历程 ,主要表现为两大阶段 :横向移植时期 ,着重于对西方女权主义文学批评的介绍与研究 ;垂直改造时期 ,着重于建构具有中国特色的女权主义文学批评     

Studying one's own in the Middle East: Negotiating gender and self-other dynamics in the field

This article uses examples of the experience I had in the field as an indigenous researcher in Turkey in order to problematize claims to knowledge. I contend that for researchers who are positioned as relative “insiders,” whether indigenous or bicultural, such aspects of the researcher identity as gender, class, professional and relationship status are made especially salient, perhaps even more so in Middle Eastern contexts. I also argue that while indigenous status can be both empowering and restricting, the insider/outsider position can be employed as a useful vantage point for “rethinking the familiar.” I discuss with examples how this position informed my researcher role and my perspective on what is traditional.     

“三个代表”重要思想对马克思主义文化观的运用和发展

阐述了"三个代表"重要思想关于中国共产党"始终代表中国先进文化的前进方向"的论述,揭示了中国先进文化及其前进方向的内涵,丰富发展了历史唯物主义社会意识能动性原理,是在新的历史条件下对马克思主义文化观的运用和发展.     

Women and toxic waste protests: Race,class and gender as resources of resistance

In recent years, women have been at the forefront of grassroot toxic waste protests in the United States. Out of their experience of protest, women construct ideologies of environmental justice, which reveal broader issues of inequality underlying environmental hazards. I examine the environmental discourse of white working class, African American and Native American women activists. The voices of these women show the ways in which their traditional role as mothers becomes a resource for their resistance. At the same time, their emerging analysis of environmental justice is mediated by different experiences of class, race, and ethnicity.     

《罗生门》与三种科学观

电影《罗生门》隐喻了一个被多重建构的事件。科学观或者说科学的社会形象,也是类似的建构产物。科学观是多样且变化的,其中有三种是深具代表性的,即传统的科学观、"还俗"的科学观,以及公众的混杂的和个人化的科学观。在高度科学技术化的现时代,科学的形象已经成为一种重要的政治资源和经济资源,而这三种科学观之间的张力,可以成为民主社会中的一种健康的力量,即在竞争性的解读中达到对科学的更加全面的理解。     

Brazil’s non-indifference: a case for a feminist diplomatic agenda or geopolitics as usual?

At the beginning of the twenty-first century, Brazil took advantage of its economically and politically privileged position to challenge global normative structures. In 2004, the concept of “non-indifference” was integrated into the Brazilian vocabulary of foreign policy, justifying and legitimating the country’s acceptance of the invitation to command the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH). On the one hand, non-indifference can be read as a discursive maneuver that enabled Brazil to accommodate its non-interventionist agenda to an old geopolitical game, given the pressure imposed upon “global players” to respond effectively and assertively to threats to international peace and security. On the other hand, the “Brazilian way” could also be seen as an alternative to a highly masculinized geopolitical approach to international security. This paper explores possible limitations, tensions and/or opportunities that emerge from the encounter between a feminist diplomatic agenda and a masculinizing ordering of the international space. It does so by contrasting Brazil’s ambition for a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), the club of powerful states, with Brazil’s diplomatic and military performance during MINUSTAH, widely evaluated as a success due to characteristics such as solidarity, generosity, flexibility and the “warm conviviality” of Brazilian culture.