国有企业公司治理评价体系研究

文章分析了国有企业公司治理过程中存在的问题及其原因,并在此基础上提出了国有企业公司治理评价体系,涉及股东结构、股东权利、治理结构和信息披露四个方面,以期为准确、系统地评价国有企业公司治理情况提供参考依据.     

韧性城市治理体系的构建困境与对策

在现代社会中,快速的城市化进程以及日益严峻的复合型灾害风险,使得传统城市安全治理体系与模式已无法满足需求,韧性治理理念逐渐引起重视。韧性城市治理体系具有健全的城市规划和设计、跨部门合作与协调、公众参与及社会创新、敏锐的风险识别力,以及快速的环境适应和恢复能力等特征。我国韧性城市治理体系构建面临城市建设规划有待升级、城市应急管理体系有待完善、城市空间结构有待优化、城市承载能力有待提升等问题。应升级建设规划,优化韧性城市空间结构;加强基础设施韧性,完善城市应急管理体系;加强生态系统韧性,提升城市承载能力;加强经济和社会韧性,提升城市综合治理水平,以建立完善的韧性城市治理体系。     

宋代相权的兴盛

宋初在权力结构的调整中对相权进行了分割,但考察宋代实际的权力运作,宋代的相权自始至终处于兴盛状态,对相权所采取的几项措施都没有对相权产生实质性的削弱作用。导致这一现象的主要原因在于宋代所奉行的基本国策是“以儒治国”,是君主与士大夫“共治天下”。同时,相权兴盛也是巩固政权的政治需要,亦是当时频繁的军事活动所需。     

论公司利益相关者联盟

公司利益相关者联盟是公司利益相关者之间双向或多项式长期合作模式。它是一个公司治理范畴的概念。公司本身是一个联盟体。由股东联盟、债权人联盟、员工联盟、消费者联盟、社区联盟、企业联盟等联盟体组成。公司利益相关者联盟具有正向功能和反向功能。规范公司利益相关者联盟的行为,对于实现公司经济民主、公平,保证公司效率具有重要意义。     

On the conditions of authority in academic publics

The discourse of some of the most powerful public figures in today’s world is often incoherent and nonsensical. Incoherent yet authoritative discourse shows that authority does not rest in language but results from non‐linguistic and pre‐textual conditions. The non‐linguistic and pre‐textual conditions are exemplified in an Australian case‐study of a media debate between the Immigration Minister and a refugee, drawing on research by Smith‐Khan (2019a, 2019b). Two such conditions are then examined with reference to academic publics. First, I ask which languages do or do not carry authority, before moving on to speaker identity as a condition of authority. The close association between English and academic excellence has resulted in diminishing the authority of academic publications in languages other than English. The same is true of publications by women and people of colour. I close by reflecting on referencing practices as forms of extending authoritativeness to voices in excluded languages and from excluded scholars in academic publics.     

A critical approach to wage devaluation: The case of Spanish economic recovery

In line with the orientation of EU economic policy, the Spanish government has favoured a strategy of internal devaluation as a way of adjusting price levels within the currency union. The results of empirical studies indicate that the internal devaluation applied in Spain does not seem to have attained the desired goals in terms of reducing the relative prices of exports and consolidating a model of growth based on external demand. Indeed, the estimates drawn up show that tailwinds – the depreciation of the euro and the fall in risk premium as results of the measures taken by the ECB, greater economic activity by trading partners and the fall in the price of oil – exercised a decisive influence in the trends followed by the prices of exports and the balance of trade during the period of crisis management in Spain.     

The effect of media sexism on women’s political ambition: evidence from a worldwide study

This paper presents results from one of the first global studies on the relationship between media sexism and the share of candidates for the lower chamber of national parliaments who are women. Data on media sexism come from the Global Media Monitoring Project, the most reliable worldwide source for media coverage from a gender perspective. The data on share of female political candidates come from the Inter-Parliamentary Union. The results show that that there is, even when controlling for the number of women in parliament, electoral system, gender quotas, level of human development, level of women’s rights, freedom from corruption, and media access, a significant relationship between media sexism—measured as (i) the share of all news subjects that are women and (ii) the share of all news subjects portrayed in the function of experts who are women—and the share of women candidates for parliament: the higher the level of media sexism, the lower the share of women candidates. The theory discussed zooms in on a bystander effect: We hypothesize that sexist portrayals of women in the media stifle ambition among women who, in a less sexist media environment, would be willing to stand as political candidates.     

A port in a storm: Spontaneous volunteering and grassroots movements in Amsterdam. A resilient approach to the (European) refugee crisis

This article seeks to expand knowledge about spontaneous volunteering in Amsterdam during the European refugee crisis in the winter of 2015–16. As formal institutions, which relied on a top–down command and control approach, were unable to handle the relatively large number of refugees who arrived in a short period of time, grassroots social movements based on bottom–up participation emerged. Grassroots volunteers were not only politically engaged, protesting against the strict refugee reception policy, but they also became involved in the crisis response, showing a great deal of flexibility. Although the social movements struggled with their organizational structures, they were able to adapt their missions and structures to changing circumstances. To achieve a resilience‐based response to future refugee influxes, this article advocates for formal response organizations to dismantle their static, top–down approach, and for social movements to find a balance between participation and professionalism. If institutionalized refugee response organizations adapt to the dynamics of local conditions, they could create the conditions for resilient solutions in the crisis context.     

论近代川边治理与国防安全：从赵尔丰到刘文辉

风云激荡的近代“川边”,历任主政者的川边治理成效殊异：赵尔丰籍“平康三策”,锐意进取,开拓出广阔的川边境域,成功践行“固川保藏”方略。尹昌衡藉个人英雄主义维持短暂的绚烂;其后走马灯式的镇守使无法掌控川边局势,失地溃败;颇具政治韬略的刘文辉,妥善处理民族关系,稳固川边,促使西康成功建省。34年的川边治理为现代西南边疆治理留下了鲜活的经验教训,川滇藏结合部需要新的边疆治理统筹。     

网络直播聚合犯罪的罪因、特征与治理措施

网络直播聚合犯罪愈演愈烈,主要集中于知识产权犯罪和色情犯罪领域,国内目前对该类犯罪的研究较少。网络直播聚合犯罪与社会结构方面的紧张、个人违法性意识方面的紧张存在关系,前者主要体现为：商品拜物教影响下的部分民众设定目标时日益以物质获得为参考系;阶层固化使得处于部分底层民众无法通过制度性手段实现目标。后者主要体现为网络直播聚合犯罪者实施犯罪,与其权衡犯罪成本与获利数额、心存侥幸有关。在对案例进行实证分析的前提下,归纳概括出此类犯罪的三个主要特征：犯罪主体呈现出低龄化、学历较低、无业状态较多的特点;分工的复杂性、网络的匿名性使得犯罪的隐蔽性较强;黑灰产业链业已形成并成熟。对此类犯罪的治理,应当坚持惩防并举,在惩罚方面应当注意网络直播聚合共同犯罪认定规则的变通适用,以及网络直播聚合犯罪立法扩张、司法限缩与严格执法之间的关系;在预防方面应当构建国家、社会两位一体的预防模式。