陈独秀爱国主义思想述要

陈独秀认为,健全的爱国主义应该具有三个特点:其一是所爱对象为民主之国,值得去爱;其二是爱国方式符合理性,能顺应国家的形势要求;其三是爱国落实在私德之上,完善自我就是爱国。     

实施科学民主管理创建安全文明校园

随着我国高校多年的连续扩招和经济社会的长足发展,高校的安全文明工作正面临着诸多新挑战,如果不能正确认识和妥善处理好这些突出问题,它将成为制约高校可持续发展的影响因素。因此,实施科学民主管理,创建安全文明校园,便成为高校的一项政治任务和头等大事。     

抗战时期党改造和健全冀中村民主政权的考察

抗日战争时期,冀中(本文主要指沧州部分)党组织在加强根据地建设中,贯彻民主,组织、动员全民抗战,建立了广泛的抗日民族统一战线,对村级民主政权的建立、改造和健全进行了伟大实践且获得了成功。     

国民精神重塑的百年追思

中国最早于１９世纪末提出国民精神重塑的问题。五四新文化运动虽然抓住提高国民素质的两大关键性问题──科学与民主,然而由于其新思想是“舶来品”,与民众的思想观念存在着严重的脱节,难以产生广泛的社会效果。在紧张的政治斗争中,又对农民身上的封建文化因素作某些体让。所以,中国民众始终未受现代性的陶冶与训练。今天,我们要站在时代的高度,进行科学与民主的普及与提升的工作。当前,重点是培育国民的科学精神;不但要把民主作为社会制度来实现,而且要作为培育人的独立性人格的价值目标来实现。同时要认识中国民主化进程的特殊性、长期性。     

西方近代政治思想对陕西的影响

鸦片战争以后,西方近代政治思想逐渐传入中国,并对地处中国西北内陆、有深厚传统文化底蕴的陕西产生了巨大的冲击。随着西方近代政治学说在陕西传播的深入,西方近代政治思想对陕西近代社会历史发展的影响也愈以明显。     

Enabling children’s deliberation in deliberative systems: schools as a mediating space

In recent years, there has been a growing scholarly interest in conceptualising schools beyond their educational functions, as sites and agents of democracy. Yet this interest is often underpinned by a narrow conception of democracy, focusing solely on schools’ public and social aspects. To capture the democratic potential of schools more fully, this article suggests adopting a deliberative systems approach, which conceptualises democracy as differentiated yet linked sites of democratic communications and views schools as one such site. Using this approach as a broader framework and drawing on the fieldwork conducted in two Japanese schools, this article identifies the condition under which schools can become a meaningful part of deliberative systems. It reveals that schools contribute to deliberative systems when they serve as a bridge between children’s everyday practices and deliberative actions in the public space. In light of the findings, this article suggests conceptualising schools as a ‘mediating space’.     

The Logic of A Co‐Operative Economy and Democracy 2.0: Recovering the Possibilities for Autonomy,Creativity, Solidarity,and Common Purpose

Over the past 30 years, the collectivist‐democratic form of organization has presented a growing alternative to the bureaucratic form, and it has proliferated, here and around the world. This form is manifest, for example, within micro‐credit groups, workers’ co‐operatives, nongovernmental organizations, advocacy groups, self‐help groups, community and municipal initiatives, social movement organizations, and in many nonprofit groups in general. It is most visible in the civil society sector, but demands for deeper participation are also evident in communities and cities, and the search for more involving and less bureaucratic structures has spread into many for‐profit firms as well. Building on research on this form of organization, this article develops a model of the decisional processes utilized in such organizations and contrasts these “Democracy 2.0” standards for decision making from the Democracy 1.0 (representative and formal) standards that previously prevailed. Drawing on a new generation of research on these sorts of organizations, this article and this special section discuss: (a) how consensus decisional processes are being made more efficient; (b) how such organizations are now able to scale to fairly large size while still retaining their local and participatory basis; (c) how such organizations are cultivating a more diverse membership and using such diversity to build more democratic forms of governance; (d) how such organizations are combatting ethnoracial and gender inequalities that prevail in the surrounding society; and (e) how emotions are getting infused into the public conversations within these organizations and communities.     

Discourses of service user involvement in meeting places in Norwegian community mental health care: a discourse analysis of staff accounts

In previous research, meeting places have been favourably addressed by service users, but they have also been contested as exclusionary. In this participatory explorative study, we sought to perform a contextual analysis of meeting places in Norway based on a discourse analysis of three focus group discussions with 15 staff members. We asked the following question: how do meeting-place employees discuss their concrete and abstract encounters with service users and their experiences? We focused on service user involvement, which was largely analysed as neoliberal consultation and responsibilisation. Service users were positioned as resisting responsibility trickling down and defending staffed meeting places. Social democratic discourse was identified in the gaps of neoliberal discourse, which is noteworthy given that Norway is a social democracy. This relates to global concerns about displacements of democracy. We suggest that meeting places appear to hold the potential for staff and service users to collaborate more democratically.     

Gezi Park and EuroMaidan: social movements at the borders

Both Turkey and Ukraine are located at the external borders of the European Union (EU), and are seen as important partners of the EU, especially in terms of economic relations and strategic partnership. Both countries experienced en masse protest events in 2013: the Gezi Park protests and EuroMaidan, starting, respectively, in May 2013 and November 2013. Although these protests started initially for different reasons – the brutal eviction of a sit-in organized for protecting the trees in Taksim Gezi Park and the Ukrainian government's abandonment of EU trade agreement talks – and seem spatially, temporally and ideologically separate, they both include claims related to a “more just and transparent system”. Such claims are not purely political and are closely linked to a social dimension, especially in terms of local and European space-making. This article aims to understand the importance of Gezi Park and EuroMaidan within the framework of new social movements in terms of space-making and the perception of human rights, democracy, justice, identitarian politics and consensual social relations as Euro-concepts or European ideals.     

从村民自治中透视转型期中国农村的公民权建设——以定县村民自治的权利调查为基础

本文采用在定县农村进行问卷调查取得实证资料的基础上,通过定量分析与定性分析相结合的方式,从法社会学的视角对村民自治中农村公民应然权利与实然权利之间的落差及对中国农村的公民权建设的剖析,揭示中国农村公民权的现状与存在的一些问题及其对中国未来发展的影响,探索中国未来农村公民权建设的模式与方案。