论回族“小经”文字及其保护措施

本文以民族文化中的瑰宝回族"小经"文字为研究对象,通过对"小经"的产生、发展、使用现状等一系列问题的阐述,逐步分析"小经"在现实中面临的问题,并归纳出现这种困境的原因,进而在剖析其存在的重要价值的基础上,提出解决"小经"文字保护的措施,为少数民族文化的保护提供有益的参考.同时,文中强调了少数民族传统文化的保护与传承的紧迫性.进一步阐释了保护少数民族非物质文化的重要性.     

论语言文学类非物质文化遗产及其保护利用——以河南省为例

语言文学类非物质文化遗产即濒危语言（或方言）和以语言（或方言）为媒介的口头表达类民间文学与传统戏曲、语言文字习俗等。把它们归为一类有其理论依据和必要性,它们也拥有共同特点。申报地濒危语言（或方言）载体的非遗保护应以当地语言（或方言）为主线,以记录、整理、编译、展演为形式,与现代电子科技和创意相结合,进行生产性、产业化保护。创新此类非遗保护开发的特色方式,有利于非遗的类别化保护和利用。     

盐化产业发展低碳经济的机制研究——以自贡市为例

盐化产业作为高能耗、高污染和高排放的行业,面临巨大的节能减排压力;发展低碳经济已经成为盐化产业可持续发展的首要任务。对低碳发展的机制进行评述,分析自贡市盐化产业碳排放的现状,提出政府需要构建发展低碳经济的引导机制、驱动机制、规制机制和补偿机制,分析碳交易市场构建需要建立的定价机制、交易机制和产权机制,阐述行业部门可以构建的锦标机制、集群机制、认证机制和协调机制,而企业则必须完善激励机制、创新机制和协作机制;并就自贡市盐化产业在政府、市场、行业和企业四个维度下发展低碳经济的十四种机制进行具体分析。     

康定锅庄文化遗产价值新阐释

The understanding of the traditional research of Kangding Guozhuo mainly covers four aspects:1 ) It is widely believed in the academic world that the Guozhuang ( meaning singing and dancing in a circle ) of Kangding was a unique product which combined politics, economics and culture together. 2) It was a specific business form based on the family unit, fulfilling multiple func￣tions such as an inn, a shed, a commodity inter￣mediary, an administrative office, a commodity transformation point, and a banking establishment. And it was also a place for cultural exchange be￣tween the Tibetans and the Han . 3 ) The formation of Guozhuang culture establishes a new element in the culture of the Tibetan-Yi corridor. 4 ) Zheng Shaoxiong mentions that the Guozhuangzhu ( the Guozhuang host ) had played an intermediary role in assisting the Tibetan businessmen to sell or pur￣chase goods - this helped to maintain the trade relations between the Han and Tibetans ( or their communication) . This kind of ingenious institu￣tional arrangement was a historical practice in keeping the balance of the relationship between different cultural communities, such as the Qing court, Tusi ( native officials ) and the Guozhuang host of Kangding. It reflects the wisdom in ethnic interactions, and can be borrowed in present ethnic regional autonomous system.
The above mentioned understanding is a result of study from the perspective of history, ethnology or economics. Although Zheng Shaoxiong’s re￣search was born from the old mindset, and pro￣posed the new value of Guozhuang cultural mecha￣nism, there is still a lack of research on this cul￣ture from such comprehensive perspectives as ur￣ban history, cultural anthropology, and economic anthropology. Thus it cannot fully reveal the fea￣ture and value of Kangding Guozhuang, a complex cultural phenomenon.
Based on existing data, past research, and fieldwork on the oral history of Kangding Guozhuang conducted in August 2013 , this article gives some new interpretations to the features of Guozhuang culture from an interdisciplinary per￣spective as follows:
1 ) The forever “48 Guozhuang” are a Kang￣ding urban memory, which displays the common cultural psychology of regarding Kangding as an important trade city of the Han and Tibetans; and Guozhuang carries a folk cultural memory of more than 200 years. After the gaitu guiliu policy ( re￣placement of native officials with centrally appoint￣ed officials) in the late Qing period, the number of newly appeared Guozhuang even reached 60 to 70 .“Although each of them had its own courtyard, and people also called them Guozhuang, they were still quite different from the 48 Guozhuang in the minds of the Kangding people”. This not only in￣dicates that the 48 Guozhuang within the orthodox system were deeply rooted in the hearts of the local people, but also reflects that Guozhuang were re￣garded as the most proper carrier for the communi￣cation between the Han and Tibetan during the late Qing period, otherwise so many Guozhuang court￣yards would not have appeared in history.
2 ) From the name to its architectural form, or function, a Guozhuang was influenced by the Han culture, however, it still had strong Tibetan char￣acteristics. Actually it could be regarded as a min￣iature of local culture of Kangding. Every Guozhuang had its own Tibetan name and Chinese name. The architectural style of the Guozhuang was actually different from traditional multiple -level blockhouse. There was always a courrtyard, and it was larger than that of Han. The vast court￣yard was not only a space for the Tibetan business￣man to cook food and boil tea, but also a space for organizing their entertainment activities, such as singing and dancing in a circle. You Tai, a minis￣ter of the Qing dynasty in Tibetan areas, recorded a grand dancing party organized by the local Tusi to welcome his arrival, which reflected the significant position of the Guozhuang in cultural activities. The upper-class of the Kham area, including Tusi and the Guozhuang host, tried to build a close re￣lationship with both Tibetan and Han in all means, including the title, kinship relation or customs, and successfully built up a central zone on which both sides can be understood. It was just due to the special geographical location and cultural tradi￣tion that made the reconstruction of a cross cultural buffer zone possible.
3 ) The managers of the Guozhuang were mainly the hostesses ( Ajia Kaba in Tibetan lan￣guage) , and this also reflected a kind of feminism in Kham culture. The tradition of the Dong nv guo ( East Kingdom of Women ) enabled the women to run their business in and out of the family. When the tea trade started, the Guozhuang host had to spend much of their energy on providing service to the Tusi, so the Guozhuang hostess took the re￣sponsibility of managing the business of the Guozhuang. Ajia normally controlled the initiative of negotiation in the Han-Tibetan trade, and they played the role of interpreters in the negotiation. There were many live -in son -in -laws in the family of the Guozhuang and this kind of marriage was even more popular in the period from the late Qing dynasty to the Republican era.
If we conduct an analysis of the value of Kangding Guozhuang from multiple dimensions, we would notice that the existence of the non-market interpersonal model in this institution, on some certain degree, had solved the problem of the lack of social cohesion resulting from marketization. From this angle, the value of Guozhuang culture in the improvement of the economic institutions of the market cannot be ignored.
This fieldwork also reflects the significant and comprehensive influence of the Guozhuang cultural heritage of Kangding. When viewed from this an￣gle, its value is incredible. According to the data collected from the fieldwork, all the people, inclu￣ding officials, scholars, businessman and ordinary people, are aware that the Guozhuang is a cultural heritage which has a high and comprehensive val￣ue. If the relevant government bodies could in￣clude it into the scope of heritage protection, and build it into a cultural space of intangible cultural heritage, it will have a much higher heritage val￣ue , and play an important role both in the econom￣ic development and construction of harmonious eth￣nic relationships.
The Kangding Guozhuang also played a role in the deconstruction of the Han - Tibetan social structure - this kind of value can not only be in￣troduced to the present world and influence the fu￣ture world, but also can be seen as a hub which connects the “ancient” and “modern” Han -Ti￣betan relations. Traditionally, there was a structur￣al rule in the communications between the Han and Tibetan, namely that “the Han and Tibetans are somewhat separated from each other ”, however, the Guozhuang model in Kangding deconstructed this Han-Tibetan rule. This was closely related to elements such as social composition, ways of life, marriage, family, kinship, and religious customs. The disappearance of Guozhuang also has its own causes, for instance, the absence of inheritors and failure in operation of this system. However, this article proposes that it is mainly influenced by the social reforms in the historical process. Hence, that is the reason why modern enterprises which re￣tain certain connotations of the Guozhuang could re-appear in the Kang area. In the survey, we no￣tice that some enterprises have already made efforts in this regard. In summary, Kangding Guozhuang had creatively formed a security institution with a more humanized nature, and played an important role in the alleviation of social tensions in ethnic areas. Contemporary society, composed as it is of people with multi-ethnic backgrounds, still needs this kind of “deconstruction”.     

关注非物质文化遗产保护背景下的民俗文化与民俗学学科的命运

国家非物质文化遗产名录的门类是根据民俗学的范畴列出的,民俗的事象成为非物质文化遗产的主流。但国家非物质文化遗产的名录却出现了逻辑混乱问题:种属相混,如民俗本是一个大的概念,结果列在一个很小的范围里,这使得人们对民俗的概念产生了误解,保护活动在一定程度上伤害了民俗文化和民俗学学科。实际上,民俗的文化意义比非物质文化遗产保护名录更为重要,非遗保护只是民俗学的研究对象之一,而民俗学的研究既是学科发展的百年大计,更是文化建设的理论保障。非物质文化遗产保护工作与民俗学研究互为表里,相互促进,对中国文化建设带来积极影响。     

关于少数民族非物质文化遗产保护实践的反思——以中国瑶族盘王节为例

自2003年联合国科教文组织在巴黎第三十二届会议通过<保护非物质文化遗产公约>以来,非物质文化遗产的申请和保护工作就在我国如火如荼地展开,以此为契机,各种旅游文化节应运而生.本文以"中国瑶族盘王节"这种将非物质文化遗产保护与经济、旅游开发相结合的模式为例,试图阐明以政府主控的旅游文化节给本民族"精神家园"可能带来的危机,以及非物质文化遗产主体的"迷失",主体或"缺场"或"失语",这为非物质文化遗产的保护工作带来了挑战,值得我们深刻地反思.     

日本“AINU”人的族群认同与捍卫文化遗产的实践——北海道学术考察印象

本文以作者的田野和相关文献资料对日本惟一少数民族"爱努/阿依努"人的传统文化、母语,及其民族"问题"的由采,进行了系统明晰地描写和叙述;从人类学、历史学视野追述了"问题"的过程;联系当前世界性"非遗"保护的现实背景,为国人展示关于少数民族传统文化、母语等保护实践的一个域外"个案",以为"他山之石"的启迪.     

生态博物馆的文化遗产保护理念与基本原则——以贵州梭嘎生态博物馆为例

生态博物馆已成为一种全球范围内普遍流行的文化遗产保护模式;在保护实践中,只有遵循生态性、开放性、主体性的基本原则,其文化遗产保护才能取得成效;中国首座生态博物馆--贵州六枝梭嘎生态博物馆的经验就是例证.     

非物质文化遗产保护中的政府角色研究——基于宪政理论的视角

有限政府与有效政府是现代宪政理论对政府角色的双重规定.随着宪政理论自身的演展,其适用领域得以巨大拓展,其作为分析工具的合法性与事实上的合理性得到人们的广泛认可.非物质文化遗产保护中有限政府的角色主要体现为:对政府权力与职能疆域进行合理限定,实现政治国家与公民社会的合作治理保护,建构相应的问责与回馈机制.有效政府的角色主要体现为:政府职能的到位与有效,整塑组织结构、为政府有效发挥职能提供权能平台以及催生相应的法律保障体系等.     

文化生态与艺术传承——以热贡艺术为例

本文结合田野调查资料,根据热贡文化生态特点,从文化生态学、艺术人类学角度,探讨了热贡艺术的文化生态,及生态系统中的文化特质,并时热贡艺术产业化发展进行了思考.