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21.
台湾是目前世界上唯一通过正式颁布“家庭教育法”来推动家庭教育事业发展的地区。台湾地区家庭教育政策法规的制订实施对大陆地区具有重要的借鉴意义。台湾地区家庭教育政策法规的制订体系完整,并经过多次修订。台湾地区家庭教育政策法规有稳定的实施机构,有力的经费支持,整合的政府资源以及配套的活动课程。大陆地区应加快家庭教育法治化进程,成立家庭教育立法小组,立体化家庭教育服务网络,建立家庭教育经费保障机制,配套有地方特色的活动课程并重视培养家庭教育专业人才。  相似文献   
22.
独立后,哈萨克斯坦国的宗教状况和政教关系发生了诸多变化,宗教地位在民众社会生活中不断上升,传统宗教(伊斯兰教和东正教)与非传统宗教之间的竞争加大,伊斯兰极端主义对国家安全的破坏日益明显。《宗教活动与宗教团体法》(2011)的出台为规范宗教活动、遏制某些宗教的极端化奠定了基础。宗教政策经历了从宽松到趋紧的过程,族际和睦与宗教和谐政策的政教关系已初步形成,宗教状况的发展趋势将会受到多种因素的影响。  相似文献   
23.
经史之学与清代书院科举文教育   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
清代书院官学化,很多书院重视科举。有些书院虽从事科举文教育,但不唯之是从,而是将科举文教育与经史之学教育结合起来。此举上溯于中国古代社会推崇经史之学的优良传统,根植于孔子“博学于文”的思想主张,来源于以学术导向矫正利禄歪风的迫切要求。生徒只有学充养邃,才会眼界高、气味厚、笔力健。清代一些书院将科举文教育与经史之学教育结合起来,使得生徒学文不是局限于写作技巧的训练,而是拓展为与炼品、践行、培识的结合。这些书院通过教育,能够为社会培养有用人才。  相似文献   
24.
Contrary to the secularisation processes in modernisation theory, religions and faith‐based organisations (FBOs) are thriving in contemporary Indonesia. Strongly supported by community members, religious organisations have begun to extend their services beyond the traditional areas of education and health to operate in disaster relief and poverty alleviation programmes. These FBOs have been offering assistance to the disadvantaged whose needs have not been adequately met by the state. Social programmes run by the FBOs are an important safety net at the grass‐roots level in Indonesia; how to effectively coordinate and offer such services are important social policy issues. This paper will show that the Indonesian Government is keen to remain the key provider of social services and often perceives the services of FBOs as a threat. Some recent state policies to regulate the funding sources of Islamic organisations have posed a significant logistical challenge for their future operation. In addition, theological differences across various religious groups have made it difficult to form inclusive and extensive partnerships among the FBOs, who tend to compete with each another resulting in rivalry. These socio‐political contexts have limited the formation of effective partnerships for offering coordinated social services.  相似文献   
25.
Starting in the 2000s, Denmark and Norway have undergone extensive restructuring of their health-related social benefit programmes, including how they are governed. Several reforms have sought to enhance inter-sectoral collaboration. Aiming at ensuring patients’ faster return to work, policy-makers have instituted economic incentives to both individuals and the health and welfare organisations who handle them. Through an institutional logics approach, this paper explores how hospital social workers in these countries are experiencing these changes. The ‘social’ part of post-treatment care and rehabilitation receives more attention in the Norwegian institutional set-up than in the Danish, and whilst challenges are experienced in both countries, in group interviews Danish social workers in particular express concerns about the implications of the accelerated return-to-work focus. In both countries, they report increasing difficulties in ‘making their way through’ the state-municipal bureaucracy. However, by drawing on the formal health knowledge derived from medical settings and the symbolic capital it bestows on them, they often manage to negotiate the work-and-welfare services, thereby transforming the social context for the patients.  相似文献   
26.
万历年间册立太子之争被称为"争国本",围绕册立皇长子朱常洛还是皇三子朱常洵,明神宗万历与廷臣进行了旷日持久的博弈。整个事件由廷臣温和的建议开始,经过长期而激烈的斗争,以至于谣言四起,最后借助太后的力量得以解决,按祖制皇长子朱常洵被册立为太子,皇三子朱常洛受封福王。争国本是认识明朝政治运作的典型样本,折射了专制王朝政治运作的内在逻辑。  相似文献   
27.
This study investigates how large companies respond to public policy measures to ensure the inclusion of persons with disabilities in mainstream employment based on a case study of four companies in Norway and Sweden. The qualitative interviews, which were conducted with company managers, government representatives in Norway, and non-governmental organisations in Sweden, revealed three overarching themes: (1) ‘legitimacy’, (2) ‘financial interests’ and (3) ‘non-financial support’. The results indicate a more proactive response from the Swedish companies, especially regarding persons with intellectual and learning difficulties. The Norwegian companies reveal a high commitment to their own employees. These findings cannot be explained solely using neo-institutional theory, which holds that organisations demonstrate ‘conformity with powerful institutional myths to strengthen support and secure survival'. The results indicate that inclusive targeted corporate policies and programmes, advisory support, and the agency and value choices of the management might matter more.  相似文献   
28.
对上市公司的盈余管理进行对比分析,结果表明现行会计准则为上市公司的盈余管理行为提供了一些机会.因此,需要制定会计准则概念框架,完善会计准则制定程序及准则体系,非经常性损益应在利润表中单独披露,会计准则应规范会计选择变更的披露.  相似文献   
29.
This article compares North Korean immigrants and foreign bride policies in South Korea. Despite being constructed as distinctive policy target groups, North Korean settlement and foreign bride incorporation policies exhibit striking similarities. The similarities result from the way policy problems are identified and certain solutions are justified; both North Korean immigrants and foreign brides are constructed a burden on welfare and as potential threats to social stability. Policy solutions are justified as they are designed to transform North Korean immigrants and foreign brides into ‘normal’ South Korean citizens. The major difference between two sets of policies lies in assumptions regarding cultural differences. Foreign brides are assumed to carry practices that are foreign and alien to Koreans, while North Korean immigrants are presumed to carry ‘authentic’ and ‘traditional’ Korean culture. Foreign brides’ cultures are visible and alien to South Koreans, and therefore are addressed under the banner of multiculturalism policies. North Korean immigrants are excluded from such policies. This exclusion reflects and reproduces the view of a Korean nation bounded by ethnic and cultural homogeneity.  相似文献   
30.
The Global Justice Movements emerged in the context of the contradictions and crisis of neoliberal–imperial globalization and the critique of it. They therefore express and provide a basis for the politicization of the negative consequences of post-Fordism and its crisis. This article examines the structural changes of the last 30 years from a Gramscian perspective of neoliberal globalization as a “passive revolution” and as the deepening of a “imperial mode of living” at a global scale. It is argued that examining structural changes helps us to understand why protest and social movements re-emerged around the year 2000. The article discusses some central features of the Global Justice Movements by focusing on the international Attac movement and the recent Occupy movement.  相似文献   
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