Red states,blue states: How well do the recent national election labels capture state political and policy differences?

The alleged polarization between the so-called red (Republican) and blue (Democratic) states during the presidential elections has been examined using only voter surveys. Focusing on the recent thirteen national elections from 1964 to 2012, we examine social, political, institutional, and policy indicators of the 50 American states to (1) gauge the extent to which national election results reflect significant policy and political differences between the red and blue states and (2) to assess the explanatory power of the dichotomous red–blue label relative to a continuous variable of “redness” or “blueness” by the percentage of votes received. We find substantial political and some moderate social differences between red and blue states but fewer institutional and policy differences than one would expect if there were actually deep divisions between the states. We find that the red–blue state distinction performs well when compared to the explanatory power of the more precise redness or blueness of a state.     

中国政治体制改革的路径探析

中国政治体制改革的根本目标是发展社会主义民主政治。文章主要从完善人民代表大会制度、发展党内民主、基层民主自治和实行党政分开等四条基本路径入手,对中国政治体制改革路径进行探析,以不断深化发展。     

我国乡镇选举改革及其体制约束

乡镇选举改革是我国基层民主发展的突破和政权民主的发端,在我国政治发展进程当中具有战略性意义。由于面临来自政治、法律和制度等层面的冲突,乡镇长直选的改革试点最终停滞不前。随之出现的乡镇党委公推直选,经过广泛试点后仍然面临着与现行人大制度和干部选拔制度的紧张关系。因此,乡镇党委公推直选持续停留在非制度化、非持续化和难以升级的困境之中。     

从选举论争看元祐时代的政治

元祐时代的政治形象,长期以来是在排斥新党、否定新法的研究思路中形成的.就对选举制度的论争看来,并未如其他新法那般明确地存在新法党与旧法党之间的对立.甚至,与其他新法如司马光的主张那样被废止不同,元祐诸臣围绕选举制度的“德行”、“经义”、“诗赋”、“法律”等多个方面提出了各自意见,讨论结果却是朝向与司马光理念并不相容的方向.这反映出宋代士大夫阔论“治国平天下”之姿的同时,其作为嗜好古典诗文的文人、读书人的气度.     

村级民主选举障碍性因素分析

村级民主选举存在的内部障碍性因素主要有村民政治冷漠,宗族势力干扰,选举委员会工作不力,贿选等。村级民主选举外部障碍性因素主包括上级行政部门越权、选举经费不足等。分析村级民主选举的障碍性因素,有助于研究制定具有科学性、前瞻性和可操作性的建议措施,保障村级民主选举的良性发展。     

选举舆论对基层政府体制改革的影响

村民选举将票决体制带入乡村,使民意在乡村权力的再分配与权力控制中发挥了越来越重要的作用。在现代传播环境下,村民选举不可能是孤岛式民主,村民选举所产生的民主舆论,必然唤醒更多的中国人对未来政治体制的探索。当前选举舆论在乡村社会得到不断扩散,对基层政府行政产生着重大影响,基层政府在执政理念上更加尊重公共舆论,更加重视让公民参与决策。     

关于我国民主选举的一些思考

13亿人口及生产资料公有制决定了我国不能实行多党竞争执政。我国应改等额选举为党组织最终决定侯选人的差额选举。这种选举办法就是把各级政府的一把手置于党组织和广大人民的双重有效选择和监督之下。类似的办法也应在国有企业和事业单位实行。这就既坚持了党的领导,又使我国人民拥有比资本主义社会更广泛、更实惠的民主选举权。这样社会主义民主政治就稳妥地向前迈进了一大步,人们不满的权力腐败问题就能基本解决。     

列宁执政党党内监督思想及其对我党的启示

十月革命后,列宁极为重视执政党的党内监督,其主要理论及措施是：设立党的监察委员会,规定其与中央委员会的平行地位,保障其独立地位,加强党的监察机构与监督制度建设。我们党应在新的历史条件下借鉴列宁的执政党党内监督理论与制度设计,加强对党内民主制度尤其是集体决策制度贯彻实施的监督,将对重要岗位和＂第一把手＂的监督设置为党内监督的重点,在地方实行党的纪律检查委员会和党委平行的政治体制,以强化公民对公权运行的监督,促进党内监督。     

1954年市县级人大选举述评——以江苏省为例

1954年间,根据全国规模的基层选举运动的进展形势,中央选举委员会和中央人民政府政务院及时对普选运动进行了指导,并于同年4月15日发布了《对于召开省、市、县人民代表大会的几个问题的决定》。江苏省各市、县人民代表大会代表的选举工作于1954年6月中旬全面展开,到7月26日结束。在此期间各市、县均召开了第一届人民代表大会第一次会议。普选使得人民民主统一战线性质的政权更加巩固。     

Quotas as a ‘fast track’ to equal representation for women

Recent years have witnessed the rapid diffusion of electoral gender quotas. Today, about fourty countries around the world have introduced gender quotas for parliamentary elections, either by constitutional amendment or electoral law. Also, quotas for public election have been laid down in major political parties' statutes in more than fifty countries. This article, which is based on the first worldwide overview of the use of quotas, presents general trends in quota adoption. It identifies two discourses: the incremental track versus the fast track to women's parliamentary representation, and argues that the Scandinavian countries – which represent the incremental track – may no longer be a valid model for ways to improve women's representation. The article also analyses the implementation process, and concludes that, without specifications of quota provisions that match the electoral system in question, and rules about the rank order of candidates as well as sanctions for non-compliance, quota provisions may be merely symbolic.