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21.
网络犯罪是传统犯罪与网络结合而出现的一种崭新的犯罪形式,和传统犯罪相比,网络犯罪具有技术性和专业性,是高技术智能犯罪,极具隐蔽性。它冲破了地域限制,蔓延迅速,涉及面广,国际化趋势日益严重,犯罪动机与目的日益多样化、复杂化,犯罪者多为“白领”,且日益呈现年轻化趋势,发案率的上升势头前所未有。  相似文献   
22.
ABSTRACT

The concept of a movement landscape is used to analyse continuities and changes in popular mobilization since the end of formal apartheid. Focusing on four different episodes of protest since 1997, the article examines their relationship to the ANC movement and traditions, and their organizational forms. It finds a general theme of fluid and ephemeral organization, and a distrust of formal hierarchal organization, that is relatively new in South Africa. The Marikana strikes produced the most far-reaching organizational realignments, while the student struggles generated the most innovative re-imaginings of political forms and discourses. It concludes that although there have been critiques of and challenges to the ANC tradition, and experiments with new forms of organizing, they have not produced alternatives that have lasted or dislodged the dominant approaches defined and popularized by the ANC movement.  相似文献   
23.
Previous research on Tibetan women’s identity and status are mainly concentrat-ed in the role and function of women in the family, production,labor,work and religious affairs within Tibetan society. Ho...  相似文献   
24.
运用虚拟民族志的研究方法对张家界粉丝叙述文本进行考察,发现了旅游城市品牌粉丝生成机制;嫁接品牌虚拟社群到这个机制中,构造社会化网络时代旅游城市品牌粉丝经济模型,提出了政策建议。  相似文献   
25.
网络监控构筑大学生思想政治教育的新阵地   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
校园网已成为大学生获取知识、交流思想和传递信息的重要平台,成为校园文化不可或缺的重要组织部分,但网络是把“双刃剑”,其对大学生的负面影响不容忽视。通过网络监控可以把握思想政治教育的主动权,创新思想政治教育的模式,提高思想政治教育的效果。  相似文献   
26.
How do social movements gain concessions from large corporations? The ability of protests to attain leverage by imposing disruption costs on their targets is widely assumed but less often tested. In this article, we assess the ability of protests to attain concessions by disrupting three broad sources of interest to firm officials: maximizing shareholder value, gaining positive media, and fostering a well-reputed image. In contrast to the body of research on the benefits to movements from shaping media discourses and damaging the reputations of their targets, we find that only market disruption provides protests with leverage. We show this through statistical analyses of an original database of protests against large corporations in the United States over five years, 2005–2009. This study advances social movement and organizational research by demonstrating the ways in which the interests of large corporations provide insurgents with means of attaining leverage over their targets. It also speaks to the broad debate over the importance of disrupting the material versus symbolic interests of movement targets. Our results suggest that when it comes to obtaining concessions from large corporations, it is material disruption and not symbolic disruption that provides movements with leverage.  相似文献   
27.
以台风“山竹”为例,基于微博数据,综合运用社会网络分析、文本情感分析等方法,分析网民情感传播网络的结构特征、传播层次及路径,探究关键节点的情感影响力和传播路径上的情感变化,并总结出网民情感传播特征。研究结果表明:可预测性灾害中灾前阶段的网民情感传播最为活跃,变化也更为复杂;网民情感传播路径较长,情感倾向会受到多个传播节点直接和间接的综合影响;网民情感传播路径上转发量较大的关键节点对网民情感的影响力更为显著。  相似文献   
28.
近10年弹幕网站日益发展壮大,成为诸多网络流行语的诞生地。弹幕作为一种亚文化的技术呈现,为受众提供了想象的空间与解构话语权威的路径。但以弹幕网站为代表的新媒体平台并没有真正发挥出意义建构的作用,新媒体对文化意义的建构还有待于受众对新媒体技术的掌握和自身文化素养的提高。  相似文献   
29.
司法公正需要审判独立和对审判权实施监督两方面的共同支撑。根据我国的政治体制和司法现状,检察权对审判权的监督必不可少,检察监督与审判独立之间既相互冲突又相互统一。在改造抗诉监督制度时,必须坚持“不损害独立审判权”的底线,把抗诉理由的标准由“确有错误”修改为“认为有错误”,把抗诉范围限定在“损害国家利益和社会公益”的案件和“适用法律错误”的案件,并对抗诉期间和抗诉次数作出严格限制以维护审判结果的终局性和权威性。  相似文献   
30.
Since 2013, extrajudicial police killings of black people have captured the attention of U.S. and international media, substantially because of the work of leaders in the Black Lives Matter (#BLM) movement. #BLM is simultaneously a group of localized organizations and a broad online social movement. In this article, we examine the #BLM movement in detail, with particular emphasis on the following aspects of the movement: (1) its innovative organizational practices and social media use; (2) its accent on black perspectives (counterframing) of systemic racial oppression, heteronormativity, and capitalism; and (3) its broad emphasis on oppressed Americans, including black women and LGBTQ people. We also situate the #BLM movement within the surrounding system of racial oppression, including the historical role of racialized policing in maintaining social control of blacks. We detail the long tradition of black social movements, especially black feminist organizing, against systemic racial oppression. In doing so, we intend to contribute social movement theorizing that more fully considers powerful counterframed perspectives of black activists in U.S. social movements. Although the #BLM movement reflects black feminism and past civil rights movement struggles, it is a uniquely twenty‐first‐century social movement that uses new technologies for innovative social protest.  相似文献   
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