试论五斗米道的历史使命

五斗米道是我国道教源头之一,五斗米道自创立后就肩负着发扬道教的历史使命,其历代宗教领袖都为之做出了不懈努力,至南北朝时,五斗米道成为组织制度成熟、理论体系完善的宗教组织。随着隋朝的政治统一,五斗米道也演变为全国统一的官方道教,完成了它的历史使命。     

高句丽小兽林王考述

高句丽小兽林王尽管在位时间仅有十三年,但在引进佛教,建立太学,颁布律令等方面着力较大,对高句丽的思想教育、文化制度皆起到了重要作用。同时,从其与大“朱留王”大武神王对称为小“朱留王”可知,其在高句丽历史中卓越超凡的政治才能和影响,而“小解朱留王”的王号对于解开高句丽王号与王姓的谜题有着非常重要的启示。     

新旧《唐书？地理志》各州领县户口系年考--从州县建置的角度

《旧唐书？地理志》多数州府均有两组领县和户口数字,分别记为“旧领”“天宝领”,个别府州另有记为“天宝后”“领县”“元和领”“今领”的领县情况。根据州县建置及变动情况,可将这些不同时期的领县及所领户口的年份大致推定为：“旧领”为贞观十三年,“天宝领”为天宝十三年,“天宝后”为天宝十四年至乾元年间,“元和领”为元和十四、五年,“今领”为大中后至光启三年,“领县”多为天宝末至宝应年间。《新唐书？地理志》各州只有一组领县和户口数字,除京兆府下有“天宝元年领县”字样外,其余州府均直接记为“领县”。《新志》所记户口与《旧志》“天宝领”所载户口数大同小异,应是同时期户口数据,但是领县年份却与户口年份不同,《新志》各州领县时间当为天祐三年后。     

70年中国新闻史研究述略

中华人民共和国成立70年来,与政治制度变革和政治路线变迁相顺应,前30年的新闻史研究,“革命史范式”占据主导地位,研究队伍人数较少,研究对象局限于无产阶级新闻事业。后40年的新闻史研究,新闻史的学科地位确立,汲取传播学及其他学科理论与方法,“新闻本体范式”兴起,研究范式多样化,中国新闻史学会成立,学术队伍人才济济,学术成果丰硕并走向世界。此后的新闻史研究,须更多负起“资治”“知来”之责,创新研究范式,填补研究空缺,建设中国特色新闻史学。     

中国共产党的民族——国家观

民族与国家的关系是民族问题的核心,也是中国共产党民族观的核心。中国是各族人民共同缔造的统一的多民族国家,民族问题是关系中国国家命运的重大问题,新中国的国家结构采取单一制的形式,民族区域自治是新中国的一项基本政治制度,中国共产党制定符合中国国情的处理民族问题的基本政策,维护国家统一,反对民族分裂,弘扬爱国主义和民族精神,实现中华民族伟大复兴。上述观点构成中国共产党民族一国家观的基本内容。     

技工学校改革发展60年历程的回顾与反思

伴随着新中国的成长,技工学校走过了60年历程。根据我国国民经济的发展与教育的结构化调整把技工学校的发展分为几个阶段,并基于对全国技工学校规模的发展变化和引起其变化的政策等两个因素,通过对不同时期的分析,总结了建国60年以来我国技工学校发展的主要经验和变化规律,以国民经济建设对技术工人的需求为基础,并随着教育大众化不断向更高层次发展。     

尤袤诗文系年补正

北京大学古文献研究所编《全宋诗》收尤袤诗64首,仅少量诗原题有系年;四川大学古籍研究所编《全宋文》收尤袤文56篇,只38篇明确列出写作年代。尤袤诗文系年卓有成效的学者是四川大学古籍研究所的吴洪泽,吴先生确定了尤袤诗30首、文41篇的写作年代。笔者对吴先生的尤袤诗文系年成果进行补正,涉及诗9首、文10篇。     

六十年来毛泽东伦理思想研究的回顾

毛泽东伦理思想是毛泽东思想体系的重要组成部分。新中国成立后,对毛泽东伦理思想的研究大致可分为三个阶段,所研究的问题主要集中在关于毛泽东伦理思想的来源、产生和发展,毛泽东早期伦理思想,毛泽东全心全意为人民服务的思想及其道德原则和道德规范体系,毛泽东的道德实践观和道德评价理论,毛泽东的人道主义和功利主义思想,毛泽东的人生价值观,以及毛泽东的道德教育和道德建设思想等方面。六十年来国内学术界对毛泽东伦理思想的研究是一个不断深化、不断发展的过程,取得了丰富的理论成果。     

Bias and precision of measures of survival gain from right‐censored data

In cost‐effectiveness analyses of drugs or health technologies, estimates of life years saved or quality‐adjusted life years saved are required. Randomised controlled trials can provide an estimate of the average treatment effect; for survival data, the treatment effect is the difference in mean survival. However, typically not all patients will have reached the endpoint of interest at the close‐out of a trial, making it difficult to estimate the difference in mean survival. In this situation, it is common to report the more readily estimable difference in median survival. Alternative approaches to estimating the mean have also been proposed. We conducted a simulation study to investigate the bias and precision of the three most commonly used sample measures of absolute survival gain – difference in median, restricted mean and extended mean survival – when used as estimates of the true mean difference, under different censoring proportions, while assuming a range of survival patterns, represented by Weibull survival distributions with constant, increasing and decreasing hazards. Our study showed that the three commonly used methods tended to underestimate the true treatment effect; consequently, the incremental cost‐effectiveness ratio (ICER) would be overestimated. Of the three methods, the least biased is the extended mean survival, which perhaps should be used as the point estimate of the treatment effect to be inputted into the ICER, while the other two approaches could be used in sensitivity analyses. More work on the trade‐offs between simple extrapolation using the exponential distribution and more complicated extrapolation using other methods would be valuable. Copyright © 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Garbage‐can Policy‐making Meets Neo‐liberal Ideology: Twenty Five Years of Redundant Reform of the English National Health Service

The garbage‐can theory of decision‐making (Cohen et al. 1972), has been adapted into a perspective on policy‐making, with adaptations of the approach placing notable emphasis upon the health sector (Kingdon 2006; Paton 2006). This article creates an adapted ‘garbage‐can’ framework to help explain each stage of the reform of the English National Health Service (NHS) over the last 25 years. The emergence of the key idea and resultant policy at each stage of reform of the English NHS has been arational and indeed sometimes irrational. Policy has reflected advocacy by policy‐salesmen (Kingdon 2002), proffering ‘solutions’ to ill‐defined problems and answers to unasked questions, and politicians' short‐termist responses at each decision‐point. Yet the garbage‐can alone is not enough: if arationality rules in policy‐making day to day, this does not mean that there is not an overall ideological context, trend or bias in reform. The article also posits that ‘market reform’ has derived from the ideological hegemony of a naive anti‐statism (hostility to a misleadingly defined and often mythological ‘centralist state’) in public services and enthusiasm for market competition rather than any evidence‐based application of pro‐market ideas to health policy. A question arises: how are these two approaches (short‐term arationality and longer‐term ideological bias) combined in explanation of how policy over time is biased in a particular direction while seemingly arbitrary and directionless at each messy decision‐point. The article attempts to combine the insights of a garbage‐can approach with wider explanations of ideological hegemony.