论治理模式下行政法对社会公共组织的权力规范问题

政府-市场-公民社会相互协作的治理模式，对于我国解决改革开放过程中所出现的行政机构膨胀、政企不分、政事不分以及推进社会主义民主政治建设等，都具有积极的借鉴意义。探讨了在治理模式下社会公共组织在我国的发展，并从法理和行政法功能两个角度论证了将其纳入行政法规范范围的依据，提出了几点具体的建议。     

宋朝的农业管理机构

中国自古以农立国,管理农业是国家的基本职能之一。宋朝统治者对农业相当重视,从中央到地方一系列机构均负有农业管理的职能。中央农业管理机构方面,在元丰官制改革之前主要为三司,在此之后主要为户部、工部、都水监、司农业寺。宋朝地方实行州、县二级行政机构。在州县二级地方机构中,负责农业管理的主要官员为知州和通判、知县(县令)与县丞。路级监司如转运司、提点刑狱司、提举常平司与安抚司亦负有农业的职责,此为宋代农业管理机构不同于前代的显著特点之一。     

Interest Organizations,Information, and Policy Innovation in the U.S. Congress1 2

Interest organizations are hypothesized to strongly affect public policy, but the evidence that they do so is mixed. This article argues that one reason for the disparity is a gap between theory and research: theory suggests that information provided by interest organizations should strongly influence elected officials, but there is no systematic research on its impact. We examine a potentially important source of information for members of the U.S. Congress—testimony at committee hearings—to ascertain if it affects the enactment of policy proposals. The data, based on content analysis of almost 1,000 testimonies on a stratified random sample of policy proposals, describe who testifies, their arguments, and the evidence they provide. Supporters of a proposal emphasize the importance of the problem being addressed, while opponents claim the proposed policy will be ineffective and try to reframe the debate. Information—particularly information regarding policy effectiveness—does affect the likelihood that a policy proposal will be enacted.     

试论高等教育组织塑造学术品德的逻辑

高等教育组织在塑造学术品德的过程中有其独特的逻辑,具有对之进行创造、保存、提炼、完善和传播的逻辑。在理论上,高等教育组织是一种权责分担而又共融的权责角色结构,它是塑造学术品德的逻辑承担者,具有权责分担、宏观决策、整体协调、组织管理等几个方面的逻辑使然。从逻辑归因的角度审视,高等教育组织决定学术品德的走向,在塑造学术品德的过程中应理性地内外结合,将道德熏染和组织信念结合为一体,才能不失偏颇。从逻辑途径考察,高等教育组织塑造学术品德的逻辑终点在于以人为本,情理相生,“法”“德”兼善,从而促进学术自治和学者自律,以完善组织逻辑。     

非政府组织视域中的公民道德建设

从历史上看,我国社会经济、政治的特点使非政府组织的萌生和发育缺乏必要的经济动力和制度基础,进而影响到社会的道德建设。非政府组织与公民道德具有内在的关联,它为公民道德建设提供了基础和依据。因此,进一步发展和完善非政府组织发育的社会条件,是推动公民道德建设的题中应有之义。     

农户个体决策与农民经济组织的内生性——超边际视角下的农民经济组织

单个农户在分工协作中能够获得"1 1>2"的分工经济,通过特定的经济组织来安排单个农户的分工协作就会实现这种分工经济。但是,组织中的单个农户与其他经济主体必然存在着交易费用。当交易费用超过了分工协作的经济性,单个农户就不会选择加入经济组织。地方政府往往不能充分理解单个农户对经济组织中交易费用和相对价格的考虑,这导致了大多数农户不愿选择加入"模式"型的经济组织。因此,地方政府要以自身的分工特征合理融入农民经济组织发展的各个阶段。     

创建学习型城市的几点思考

创建学习型社会是体现教育公平，提升城市整体竞争力的重要方面。广州如何把握创建学习型城市的方向和趋势，更好地服务于广州中心城市经济建设和社会发展，是值得我们思考和研究的问题。文章就广州创建学习型城市的原则、创建的重点等问题进行了论述。     

非营利组织视角中的农村养老保险资金筹措与管理研究

文章通过对非营利组织介入我国农村养老保险资金筹措与管理的理论依据和必要性的分析，从非营利组织的视角出发，提出了如何建立健全我国农村养老保险资金筹措与管理机制的对策性建议。希望以此来推进我国社会主义新农村建设进程中的农村养老保险的改革与发展。     

借鉴发达国家经验，发展我国社会中介组织

现阶段，我国社会中介组织得到迅速发展，但也存在着突出的问题。借鉴西方发达国家促进社会中介组织健康发展的有益经验，从发展多层次的中介组织、完善法规与管理、提高市场化程度等方面着手，对于建设中国特色的社会中介组织有着重要的作用。     

LGBTQ Activist Organizations as ‘Respectably Queer’ in India: Contesting a Western View

This study contests the distinction of LGBTQ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer) organizations suggested by earlier scholars as ‘respectable’ — i.e. normalizing, professionalizing and conforming to the dominant cultural and institutional patterns — and ‘queer’, meaning challenging the cultural and institutional forces that ‘normalize and commodify differences’. Using Bernstein's model of identity deployment, it is found problematic to distinguish LGBTQ organizations this way because when the actions of LGBTQ organizations are more complex to describe, it is not warranted to conflate identity goals with identity strategies — whether normalizing (respectable) or differentiating (queer). To examine these concerns, a qualitative inquiry was used to study five LGBTQ organizations in India where the intersections of post‐colonial ethnicity, gender, social class and sexuality offer an intriguing context through which to study queer activism. Based on the findings, it is argued from a post‐colonial perspective that when the socio‐cultural and historical existence of non‐homonormative queer communities and practices is strong, LGBTQ organizations challenge the heteronormative and/or other forms of domination to become ‘queer’. But they may simultaneously become ‘respectable′ by conforming to the diversity politics of non‐profit business, donors, and social movement organizations they seek support from, and turn out as ‘respectably queer’.