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141.
翻译研究从结构主义的“原文至上”到解构主义、哲学解释学的张扬译者理解和阐释的权力和自由空间,都因为过于极端化地强调单一主体而无法为翻译实践提供确当的方法。作者从哈贝马斯的交往理论出发,对翻译的主体重新作了划分,并对翻译主体间性的规范性进行阐述,认为各翻译主体间的合理交往为翻译活动的顺利进行提供了保障。  相似文献   
142.
中国老人抚养问题不能只依靠家庭抚养,应逐渐转向社会抚养,即由家庭责任主体过渡到国家或社会责任主体。针对我国人口老龄化起步虽晚但发展速度却很快等特点,采用社会学方法对这一问题进行认真的统计,与其他国家进行比较和分析,很有现实意义。  相似文献   
143.
梁惠娟 《河北学刊》2001,21(2):50-54
文学的演进,在某种意义上乃是人性不断争取和扩大自由的过程.而时于女性来说,人性的争取首先是主体意识的觉醒。五四时期,我国第一批女散文家登上文坛.她们重返社会公共生活领域,争得做人的权利。“爱情”作为代表人类最强烈、最个人化的情感,被极热切地给予强调与凸现。自然、童心、母爱成为女作家们的心灵依凭和慰藉。然而顽固强大的社会封建势力,使她们很快陷入“梦醒了无路可以走”的茫然痛苦之中.  相似文献   
144.
曹家齐 《河北学刊》2001,21(5):88-92
宋代文化政策之宽明,作为一种历史现象,是由多种历史条件交合作用而形成的。首先是宋以前中国多元文化格局及宽明文化政策历史传承的结果;其次是宋代抑武重文集权措施之偏倚所造成;另外,“皇帝与士大夫共治天下”的政治格局,使士大夫思想自由、精神独立,对皇权进行约束,是宽明文化政策之保障。  相似文献   
145.
试析廉政概念   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
廉政主体,包括所有的个人和组织.廉政客体则专指行使公共权力的个人和组织.反腐败不是要把社会上的一切腐败现象都纳入反腐败的范围,主要是反公共权力的腐败.廉政概念的含义为廉政是所有个人和组织对公共权力行使活动的监督,并通过这种监督保证公共组织和公职人员廉洁从政,最终达到政治的清明廉洁.  相似文献   
146.
The nexus of Islam, gender, race and violence has been keenly revisited in some post-9/11 scholarship. The concern over the racialized Muslim male body is justifiable in cases of rendition, torture and the kind of battlefields that mark the War on Terror. However, the sympathetic analysis of the tortured Muslim male body as a permanent and universally vulnerable imaginary has necessarily challenged the framing of sexual politics for Muslim contexts. This bid to shield the vulnerable Muslim male body from Islamophobia and imperialist violence forecloses the notion that Islamist patriarchy and politics can themselves be fundamentally violent in the post-9/11 moment and within the Muslim community. This obscures the range of routine, domestic and normative violent expressions observed by men in Muslim societies. This essay discusses two cases that illustrate the means and methods by which female bodies have been sexed by the narrative of the War on Terror in Pakistan. These cases highlight how the academic efforts that seek to rescue the racialized Muslim male body complicate the struggle of resisting (lay) female bodies.  相似文献   
147.
The influence of neoliberalism on culture and subjectivity is well documented. This paper contributes to understanding of how neoliberal ideology enters into the production of subjectivity. While subject formation takes place in multiple and contradictory ways and across multiple social sites, we focus on the increasingly popular media discourse of self-development, and examine it as a technology of neoliberal subjectification. Drawing on Foucauldian understandings, we analyze data from two different newspapers from two different national contexts, both of which are heavily influenced by neoliberalism. Based on our analysis, we detail four interrelated discourses—rationality, autonomy and responsibility, entrepreneurship, and positivity and self-confidence—demonstrating how these discourses constitute the neoliberal subject in ways consonant with neoliberal governmentality. There is no observable resistance to subject positions offered within these discourses. Self-development discourse instills stronger individualism in society, while constraining collective identity, and thus provides social control and contributes to preserving status quo of neoliberal societies.  相似文献   
148.
This paper reconceptualises a classic theory (Kanter 1993[1977]) on gender and leadership in order to provide fresh insights for both sociolinguistic and management thinking. Kanter claimed that there are four approved ‘role traps’ for women leaders in male‐dominated organisations: Mother, Pet, Seductress and Iron Maiden, based on familiar historical archetypes of women in power. This paper reinterprets Kanter's construct of role traps in sociolinguistic terms as gendered, discursive resources that senior women utilise proactively to interact with their predominantly male colleagues. Based on a Research Council funded 1 study of 14 senior leaders (seven female and seven male) each conducting at least one senior management meeting in the U.K., the paper finds that individual speakers can transform stereotyped subject positions into powerful discursive resources to accomplish the goals of leadership, albeit marked by gender.  相似文献   
149.
This article presents an ethnographic study of politics of waiting in a post‐Soviet context. While activation has been explored in sociological and anthropological literature as a neo‐liberal governmental technology and its application in post‐socialist context has also been compellingly documented, waiting as a political artefact has only recently been receiving increased scholarly attention. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork at a state‐run unemployment office in Riga, this article shows how, alongside activation, state welfare policies also produce passivity and waiting. Engaging with the small but developing field of sociological literature on the politics of waiting, I argue that, rather than interpreting it as a clash between ‘neo‐liberal’ and ‘Soviet’ regimes, we should understand the double‐move of activation and imposition of waiting as a key mechanism of neo‐liberal biopolitics. This article thus extends the existing theorizations of the temporal politics of neo‐liberalism.  相似文献   
150.
李巧兰  杨洲 《河北学刊》2012,32(1):237-239
当今世界经济与科技迅猛发展,传统的中文人才培养模式已经不能满足社会需求,只有在中文人才培养中树立"大文科"意识,才能打破学科壁垒,建立务实的中文人才培养体系,同时也有助于构建独具特色的中文人才培养模式,实现中文人才多向性发展,拓宽学生就业渠道,增强中文人才服务社会的能力。  相似文献   
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