Are persons with disabilities included in the Colombian peace process?

This article follows on from our previous one about the armed conflict in Colombia and its relationship with disability. We seek here to explore the ways in which people with disabilities are starting to be involved in the peace process with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia – People’s Army (FARC-EP), and the avenues there are for representative organizations of disabled people to have a louder voice in Colombia. Currently, while legal and human rights approaches are important, people with disabilities in Colombia do not generally have the resources to fight for their own rights. However, there could be opportunities in the negotiations currently with the National Liberation Army (ELN) to include a specific focus on the rights of people with disabilities.     

试论邓小平时代理论的深远意义

邓小平的时代理论,揭示了当今时代主题,丰富和发展了马克思列宁主义的时代观,为人们科学地认识历史大时代的特征和走向,提供了锐利的思想武器.和平与发展不仅是当今时代的主题,而且是今后历史大时代永恒的期盼.和平与发展时代是高于战争与革命时代的一个历史时代,是历史大时代的高级阶段.因此,维护世界和平促进共同发展,不仅是社会主义国家和社会主义者崇高的历史使命,而且是世界各国和全人类崇高的历史使命.     

关于“和平与发展”的方法论辨析

正确、全面地认识和把握作为时代主题的“和平与发展”,是我们对一切重大社会问题进行系统研究的一个重要关节点。作为时代主题的“和平与发展”有三重规定:“和平与发展”是当代世界人类直接追求的目标和当代世界发展的潮流和趋势;“和平与发展”是在一定限度内存在着的事实;“和平与发展”是一个特定的实现过程。这三重规定既有区别又有联系。正确、全面地把握“和平与发展”这三重规定间的辩证关系,有助于澄清目前学术界在有关时代问题研究中所存在的种种模糊的或不准确的认识,科学认识社会主义中国“和平崛起”的社会发展战略,准确把握社会主义国家在以“和平与发展”为主题时代中发展的特点。     

人心决断:和平的堡垒——卡尔·雅斯贝尔斯对康德《永久和平论》的解释

雅斯贝尔斯对康德的著名文本《永久和平论》进行了一种人道主义或者说生存论的解释:要实现真正的和平,政治决断、社会理念固然重要,但最重要的是"思维方式的革命",即人心的决断。与格哈德把《永久和平论》解释为政治哲学主题和哈贝马斯解释为社会哲学主题相比,雅斯贝尔斯的人道主义解释更有价值,也更易于理解。     

Criminology and war: where are we going and where have we been?

Although the metaphor of war (e.g., the war on terror, war on crime, war on drugs) figures prominently in contemporary criminological discourse, criminologists have generally lagged behind other disciplines in studying the reality of war and its implications for crime, punishment, and ideology. In this essay, I first consider potential reasons for criminology's limited role in studying war and make the case for why war warrants a more central place in criminological discourse. Subsequently, I trace some of criminology's early contributions to the study of war in two domains—(a) legal responses to war and (b) the link between war and crime—and reflect upon ways in which the discipline can both broaden its purview and draw from its own intellectual history to engage more critically with the subject of war.     

简论各省都督府代表联合会

武昌起义爆发后 ,各省纷纷宣布独立。为适应斗争形势的需要 ,各省代表会应运而生。与会代表在推翻清朝专制统治、建立民国的过程中表现出强烈的团结精神和合作意识 ,在制定建国原则、建立统一政府、指导南北和谈等方面作了卓越有成效的工作。各省代表会是武昌起义至中华民国建立这段历史之间一个不可忽视的环节 ,并对推动辛亥革命的深入发展起了积极作用     

破解中日关系"死结",实现历史性民族和解——关于中日关系早日走出低谷的若干思考

恪守<中日联合声明>等三个重要文件确定的原则和精神、唤醒全体日本国民走向觉醒并紧紧依靠其不懈斗争、解决中日历史观冲突这一主要矛盾、坚决捍卫国家统一和领土完整、加快祖国和平崛起进程等,是推动中日关系早日走出低谷的五个因素;而加快中日关系研究"工程"立项、拓宽对日宣传途径和加大对日宣传力度、重新重视和实施"国民外交"路线、开展"全方位、等距离"外交和克服对日外交"新思维"的影响、提防国人"狭隘民族主义 "的滋长和确保国内政治稳定等,则是当下中方推动中日关系走出低谷应集中做好的五项具体工作.     

改革开放以来中国文化外交的理论与实践

随着全球经济一体化和信息化时代的迅猛发展,文化作为一个国家综合国力的重要标志之一,作为一种软权力,在世界经济、政治合作与竞争中的地位不断提升。与此同时,以文化为媒介的国际文化交往也达到了空前的规模和水平,文化外交在各国外交舞台上的重要性日益凸现。新中国成立后,随着我国文化外交实践的不断发展,逐渐形成了有中国特色的文化外交理念。特别是改革开放以来,文化外交已经成为我国继经济、政治外交之后的第三大支柱,成为中国总体外交的重要组成部分,取得了丰硕成果。     

Factors of regional poverty reduction in Colombia: Do institutional conditions matter?

Colombia has a unique history, which has been heavily conditioned by armed conflict lasting more than 50 years. This study examines the institutional conditions for success and failure in reducing poverty in Colombian departments by considering changes that took place between 2003 and 2014. Fuzzy‐set qualitative comparative analysis identifies the changes in regional conditions that reduce poverty over time. The pathways for poverty reduction are multidimensional, and many involve changes in institutional attributes such as government transparency, absence of violence, and electoral turnout. The framework developed in this paper can be used to monitor necessary and sufficient pathways in regional clusters.     

Reinvigorating resilience: violence against women,land rights,and the women's peace movement in Myanmar

In Myanmar, movements for gender justice strive to foster personal and collective security, vibrant livelihoods, and political engagement during a period of rapid and uncertain transition. This article draws from the experience of the Gender Equality Network (GEN), a coalition of over 100 organisations in Myanmar. It examines three cases in which GEN sought to document existing forms of resilience and expand these mechanisms through national-level advocacy. The first describes current attempts to publicise, and eventually eliminate, violence against women (VAW). VAW is a fundamental threat to personal safety, but also to the principle of societal accountability – that is, the extent to which society upholds the interests and rights of women and girls. The second focuses on women's (lack of) access to natural resources and economic decision-making, drawing on gender-focused input into the National Land Use Policy. Finally, we examine the impacts of conflict on women's resilience, and women's increasing participation in the peace process. In all three cases, effective mobilisation and networking not only increased female political voice, but also enabled creation of a more resilient democracy by modelling effective policy, research, advocacy, and communication strategies.