The Project System and the Mobilization of Basic Level Governments： A Sociological Study of the Project-oriented Operation of Social Management

在基层行政资源紧张条件下,上级部门为达成工作目标,越来越多地通过项目制来调动基层政府。相比于传统的科层体制,项目制使得上级部门拥有集中的资金管理权、特殊的人事安排权以及高效的动员程序,从而能更快地见到成效。项目制在基层政府的推行使得科层体系发生重构,政府内部动员由“层级动员”转向“多线动员”,行政资源的分配也演变为项目中心模式;同时,项目制的“自我扩张”效应使得项目制越来越深入到政府体系中,具有持续性及不断增长的影响力。     

石油动员模式研究

石油动员是维护国家能源安全的重要手段。在分析国内石油行业的产业结构及发展特点的基础上,分析了石油资源超常规供给能力的来源,重点研究了动员石油资源储备、对石油资源进行临时增产、压缩石油制品销售及限制石油制品用途、临时增加石油资源进口四种动员模式。分析得出,应采取建立健全国家石油储备体系、加强海洋石油运输保障能力、加强石油重要基础设施防护三种措施以保障石油动员效果。     

抗战时期陕甘宁边区展览会之社会动员探析

抗战时期,陕甘宁抗日根据地落后的经济文化现状和坚持持久抗战的要求,是边区政权举办展览会的主要动机。中国共产党利用举办展览会的机会,从展览会的筹备到组织展出以及展后的总结表彰,进行了卓有成效的社会动员,有力地配合了边区当时的中心工作,推动了边区社会的发展。     

动员式改革:中国农村改革理论与经验的再探讨

新制度经济学并不足以解释20世纪70年代末至80年代初的中国农村改革。这场改革具有浓厚的动员色彩,是一次动员式改革。这次动员式改革既不同于以群众运动为代表的组织化动员,也不同于市场转型背景下的准组织化动员。该动员式改革采取了物质刺激和精神鼓励相结合的形式,并有两个显著的特点：改革过程中动员与制度建设相互作用;国家不能完全控制动员的影响。中国农村市场化的启动是作为动员式改革的非意图性后果出现的。     

组织性动员与政治经济运动:20世纪60-70年代中国城市社区工作模式

城市社区工作模式既是社区理论、政策与实践的核心议题,又是当代中国史研究的重要组成部分。本文采取文献回顾与历史研究方法,从政治经济运动等层面,首次将 60、70 年代城市社区工作模式概括为组织性动员,填补中国社区工作理论研究的空白点。      

Socially organized sentiments: Exploring the link between religious density and protest mobilization, 1960–1995

Extensive research has shown individual religiosity to have an impact upon U.S. protest participation. But very little work has examined the role of religious density in a community on the likelihood of protest mobilization. Our research links the religious density across 62 counties in New York State to various protest mobilization issues during the period of 1960–1995. In this research, we develop a theory of socially organized sentiments to examine religious influences on overall protest event mobilizations in local communities, a specific example of a more general theory that can link community structure to multiple forms of civic engagement. The impact of various religious traditions is assessed by using measures for the density of religious population per congregation of three religious traditions—Mainline Protestantism, Evangelical Protestantism and Catholicism. The analysis also assesses the likelihood of mobilization concerning four specific issues—African-American civil rights, gender, anti-nuclear/peace, and anti-poverty movements.     

Wikipedia in the anti-SOPA protests as a case study of direct,deliberative democracy in cyberspace

This paper contributes to the discussion on deliberative, direct democracy and volunteer mobilization in the Internet era by analyzing the vote participation levels of Wikipedia volunteer editors (Wikipedians). On 18th January 2012 in the ‘first Internet strike’ against the American ‘Stop Online Piracy Act' legislation, over two thousand Wikipedians took part in the vote concerning whether their site should undertake a protest action, with vast majority expressing support for this action. However, the vote participants formed only a tiny fraction of the total number of Wikipedians who number in millions. Although Wikipedia can be seen as an open, democratic forum practicing deliberative, direct democracy, the process of voting on Wikipedia is significantly influenced by participation inequality, with a majority of the vote participation coming from a small group of most active contributors – an effective oligarchy. This paper discusses the intricate dynamics between Wikipedia egalitarian ethos and the creed to discuss project matters deliberately on one hand and the conspicuous lack of promotion and advertisement stemming from a rule against ‘canvassing’ and an overall skepticism regarding the status of majority votes. While voters' passivity and lack of interest play a major role, as expected, another factor emerges as a significant factor responsible for the low levels of participation: an inefficient information distribution system, as the vast majority of Wikipedians were not aware of the ongoing discussions and the vote itself until after their conclusion.     

Does Attitudinal Consensus Lead to Neighborhood Collaboration? An Exploratory Analysis of an Urban Community

This article examines whether high levels of attitudinal consensus on community needs and civic responsibilities among a community's residents are associated with effective collaborative efforts among that community's neighborhood associations. Drawing upon both quantitative and qualitative data from an evaluation of an umbrella organization in an urban community, the authors found only a weak connection between attitudinal consensus, which was strong to moderate on most issues, and effective neighborhood association collaboration. The authors conclude that attitudinal consensus may be a necessary first step toward building effective collaboration but is far from sufficient to foster meaningful and stable partnerships. The authors explore the reasons for the lack of effective collaboration, offer suggestions for addressing barriers to collaboration, and discuss the implications of the findings for community building initiatives that aim to build social capital, particularly across “difference,” in distressed and diverse urban communities.     

Books Received

No abstract available for this article.     

论政党能力:特征和途径

一个强有力的政党一定是为政治行动而组织起来的具有团结一致性和内聚力的集团,一定是以人民大众为号召对象,并且能够通过有效的组织与群众联系在一起,对群众实现了充分动员的集团。政党的本质说到底是组织群众支持的工具。一切为了群众,一切依靠群众,密切联系群众而不脱离群众才是政党力量之源泉。