Tanzanian Women's Move into Wage Labour: Conceptualizing Deference,Sexuality and Respectability as Criteria for Workplace Suitability

Although female labour force participation in Tanzania is growing, little is known about how hiring authorities fill job positions with respect to gender. Qualitative interviews with hospitality and manufacturing managers in Mwanza (Tanzania's second largest city) reveal that female deference, sexuality, domesticity and respectability constitute important recruitment and job placement criteria. This article examines the various notions behind these criteria and how they serve to include or exclude women in the workforce. It is shown that when the interaction of these criteria is conceptualized, deference and domesticity emerge as essential elements of female respectability, supporting each other in the control of women's sexuality.     

从交往异化到雇佣劳动批判——赫斯哲学补论

在1844年以前,赫斯将"资产阶级社会"称为"金钱贵族制",并把费尔巴哈对宗教批判的人本主义异化史观直接运用到对现实资产阶级社会的批判中来,提出了所谓货币是人的交往类本质的异化的观点。在他看来,正是这个颠倒的金钱世界,造成了更加普遍的剥削和奴隶制。而在后来的研究中,赫斯开始关注现实中的劳动,但并未用哲学人本主义的逻辑来描述资产阶级社会中的劳动状态,而是使用了比较准确和实证的概念:雇佣劳动和奴隶劳动。     

The role of parenthood in shaping the gender wage gap – A comparative analysis of 26 European countries

We use cross-national data on 26 EU countries to estimate how parenthood contributes to the gender wage gap, and assess how institutional elements affect this relationship. We find that irrespective of cultural norms and policies, fathers receive a wage premium, which increases the gender gap. Motherhood gaps vary across countries. The highest gaps are seen in Eastern European countries, where policies and norms lead to long absences from work. Moderate to small penalties are found in Continental Europe, Anglo-Saxon and Nordic countries, alongside higher maternal employment. No motherhood penalties are found for Southern EU countries, where mothers return to work quickly or exit the labor market indefinitely.     

论英国乡绅的形成

乡绅是英国封建社会中晚期出现的新兴资本主义生产关系的代表。乡绅就其构成成份虽然复杂 ,社会地位和财富的多寡有所不同 ,但是在以资本主义雇佣方式经营农牧业方面却是一致的。乡绅的形成历时三个多世纪 ,其形成过程也是封建社会的解体过程 ,它的形成表明英国封建社会内部已经孕育出了自我否定因素。乡绅的成长、壮大直接推动了英国社会变革的进程     

中国城镇居民劳动参与工资弹性的地区差异

中国各地区间劳动力市场相对分割,劳动力在地区间自由流动存在制度障碍,同时由于各地区经济发展水平的差异导致工资率存在较大差异,进而可能导致各地区城镇居民劳动参与行为存在较大差异。应用微观经济计量方法分析中国东中西部地区城镇居民的劳动参与行为,并估算不同地区城镇居民劳动参与的工资弹性。结果表明:在每个地区内部,女性劳动参与的工资弹性均明显大于男性劳动参与的工资弹性;随着地区工资率的上升,女性劳动参与率明显上升,劳动参与工资弹性明显下降;随着地区工资率的上升,男性劳动参与率呈现出上升趋势,但劳动参与工资弹性没有显示出持续下降趋势。因此,消除户籍制度形成的劳动力市场分割,提高工资水平,不仅能够有效地促进城镇居民的劳动参与和就业,而且有助于抑制地区之间收入差距的持续扩大。     

最低注册资本制度的存废及其配套制度的完善

我国公司法在2013年进行了一次主要关于注册资本制度改革的修订,正式取消了有限责任公司、一人有限责任公司、股份有限公司最低注册资本的限制,除法律有特别规定的以外。从最低注册资本制度的概念与价值取向为出发点,论证了其存在的合理性及废除的必然性,从而进一步提出了相关配套制度建立与完善的建议。     

论劳动工资债权的优先受偿效力

劳动工资债权优先受偿效力是指法律直接规定的劳动者享有的工资债权就债务人的全部财产的价值优先受偿的效力。且这种效力十分强大 ,甚至可对抗担保物权。我国立法应明确规定劳动工资债权对担保物权的优先性。     

Risk-Informed Requirements for Design and Assessment of Structures Under Temporary Use

The relatively high failure rates, with important consequences in many cases, suggest that the implicitly acceptable risk levels corresponding to temporary civil engineering structures and activities might exceed the bounds of normally acceptable levels associated with different societal activities. Among other reasons, this may be attributed to the lack of a rational approach for the assessment of risks associated with the different technologies supporting these activities in general, and for structures in particular. There is a need for establishing appropriate target reliability levels for structures under temporary use taking into account specific circumstances such as reduced risk exposure times. This issue is being addressed in this article. Acceptance criteria for building-structure-related risks to persons obtained in prior studies are adapted to the special circumstances of nonpermanent risk exposure. Thereby, the general principle followed is to maintain the same risk levels per time unit as for permanently occupied buildings. The adaptation is based on the statistical annual fatality rate, a life safety risk metric that allows for a consistent comparison of risks across different societal activities and technologies. It is shown that the target reliability indices taking account of the temporary use of buildings might be significantly higher than the values suggested for permanently used structures.     

Explaining Italian “exceptionalism” and its end: Minimum income from neglect to hyper-politicization

Traditionally at the margins of the political debate, minimum income protection has recently become a key issue in Italian politics. After decades of social and political “neglect” letting Italy the only European country (with Greece) still lacking an anti-poverty minimum income safety net in the 2010s, finally a national programme called Inclusion Income was introduced in 2018, then replaced by a more robustly financed scheme, the Citizenship Income in 2019. The introduction of these new programmes was the object of an intense political debate, which raises two main puzzles. Why a policy field characterized by the low political resources of would be beneficiaries and low incidence on the overall welfare budget has become so important in the political debate? How did it occur in Italy, where minimum income protection had been absent in political discourses for at least five decades after World War II? To answer these questions, this article first elaborates a novel theoretical framework which combines the main properties of socio-political demand and political supply in order to explain the scope and direction of minimum income reforms. Second, it provides an analytically oriented reconstruction of MIS policy trajectory in Italy in the three different phases: the phase of MIS “neglect” (1948–1992) characterized by inertia; the period of political “contentiousness” (1993–2012), marked by attempts of path departure followed by policy reversals; the more recent phase leading to the introduction and institutionalization of a MIS. Third, the article provides a theoretically framed interpretation of the overall MIS trajectory in Italy.     

From industrial restructuring to the financial crisis: Mainstream nationalism and minimum income in the Basque Country

The uneven development of minimum incomes in Spain is one of the factors that explain the significant differences in the poverty indicators that characterize the Spanish regions, generally in favour of the territories most committed to these policies (Basque Country, Navarra and Asturias). However, there are other aspects that deserve some consideration when interpreting the specific method of developing minimum incomes in southern Europe. One aspect has to do with the differing dynamics of countries, such as Spain and Italy, which have opted for a decentralized regional model. In this regard, the regional autonomous initiative of the Basque Country played a decisive role in promoting minimum income programs in the late 1980s. Without its leadership in the launch of the regional minimum income policy, Spanish trade unions would probably not have opted for this method as a mechanism for combating poverty in the 1990s. No Italian region went on to play this driving role at that time. This article analyses the ideological foundations of the Basque minimum income policy introduced in the late 1980s and which grew significantly before and during the crisis that started in 2007-2008. It examines the dominant political narrative on this issue by analysing the discourse of some of the key nationalist leaders involved in the birth and development of the minimum income scheme. The approach shows that the experience of social decline linked to industrial restructuring processes was instrumental in the construction of the nationalist narrative.