论近代民族主义与中国外交

近代民族主义是中国最具影响力的社会思潮之一。作为一种思想资源,它在引介现代国家观念、推动中国构建民族国家的过程中,为中国外交奠定了重要的思想基础,并由此催生了中国现代外交理念的萌芽。民族主义在近代中国占据着无可匹敌的话权霸语地位。作为最具号召力的社会意识形态,它为中国外交提供了与西方平等对话的现代文本和评判国际政治行为的价值体系;而被近代民族主义动员起来的历次社会运动,则从实践层面上推动着困境中的中国外交艰难前行。     

民族复兴与民族精神

弘扬和培育民族精神,实现伟大的民族复兴,是党的十六大在思想解放和理论创新方面达到的一个新的高度.民族复兴仰赖于民族精神的支撑,民族精神只有以民族复兴为指向,才能体现应有的时代价值.在新的历史时期,民族动员具有政治动员不可替代的价值功能,因此,我们必须将弘扬和培育民族精神作为先进文化建设的极为重要的任务.     

Muslims in post-war Sri Lanka: understanding Sinhala-Buddhist mobilization against them

This study attempts to understand the recent mobilization against the Sri Lankan Muslim community by Sinhala-Buddhist organizations. In doing so, it adds to the discussion about the relationship between second-order minorities and the state and how identities can be manipulated pre- and post-conflict. States, led by majority ethnic groups, may choose to work with second-order minorities out of convenience in times of crisis and then dispose of them afterwards. The article will attempt to look critically at some state concessions to Muslim political leaders who supported successive Sri Lanka’s ruling classes from the independence through the defeat of the Tamil Tigers in 2009. It will also examine the root causes of the Sinhala-Buddhist anti-Muslim campaigns. Finally, it will discuss grassroots perspectives by analysing the questionnaire on the anti-Islam/Muslim campaign that was distributed to youth, students, unemployed Muslims and workers in the North-Western and Western provinces.     

Broadening the Land Question in Food Sovereignty to Northern Settings: A Case Study of Occupy the Farm

Abstract

Land access is an accepted corollary to food sovereignty, long promoted by the transnational agrarian movement La Via Campesina (LVC). LVC's land access politics have evolved with increased incorporation of diverse perspectives, but remain largely focused on achieving ‘integral agrarian reform’ in the global South. Here, I take a case where food sovereignty activists (‘Occupy the Farm’ (OTF)) occupied land owned by a public university in California, the USA, in order to broaden food sovereignty's land access considerations beyond the South, and to analyze conditions where political actions (including occupations) can help achieve changes in land access regimes. The OTF action was successful in challenging cultural norms about property and achieving access, partly due to the occupation having foregrounded multiple appealing narratives that invited participation and wider support. These narratives included agroecology versus biotechnologies; community/public access versus privatization; participatory versus bureaucratic governance structure; and green space/food production versus urban development. The article tests the use of the ‘land sovereignty’ frame in expanding food sovereignty's land politics, to encompass land contestation contexts globally and deal with the particular conditions surrounding lands. The case indicates that land occupations in the North are potentially useful—but uncertain, and very context-dependent—tactics to promote land and food sovereignty.     

从汶川地震谈灾害应急中的国防科技资源动员——以红外技术为例

当灾害来临时，动员国防科技资源参与抢险救灾不仅是可行的，而且是十分必要的。文章结合汶川地震中国防科技资源——红外技术快速响应动员，以专业化支持成功搜救失事直升机的真实案例，提出了将国防动员体制与应急防灾体制统一起来；搞好国防科技资源潜力调查，掌握准确的资源数量、质量、生产和分布情况，构建一体化敏捷国防科技资源动员体系的想法，并对如何建立该体系进行了具体阐述。     

情感的政治“吸纳”：类型、表征及风险规制

后真相时代的到来使得情感在政治领域的重要性凸显。“情感”成为新型政治工具，被不同主体“吸纳”以进行策略化、工具化调用。情感的政治“吸纳”分为以政府为代表的主流政治情感“吸纳”和以社会为代表的非主流政治情感“吸纳”。政府对主流政治情感的“吸纳”旨在通过情感“吸纳”达到提升政治传播效果、强化政治共同体认同、优化政治社会治理、促进政治社会稳定的作用。社会对非主流政治情感的“吸纳”旨在通过对情感因素的调动和策略性运用实现民意汇聚、舆论制造、利己获益的目的。情感的政治“吸纳”是政治主体与社会主体在情感领域的权力博弈，也是情感武器化、工具化、策略化使用的表征。高强度、不恰当的情感渲染以及情感争夺也易带来政治情感极化、政治权力分化等风险，还应以优化社会情感治理、建立情感规约、强化媒体和公众情感素养等来进行相应的风险规制。     

“Naughty,” “Nice,” or “Homo Sapiens:” Gendered Political Toolkits in a Housing Mobilization1

This article advances our understanding of how gender structures political interaction by examining the constraints and opportunities associated with gender in a housing mobilization. These constraints and opportunities are rooted in social and political hierarchies and shaped by the gendered political toolkits: the demarcation of social issues as male or female, gendered political language and gender-appropriate emotions, and the division of activist labor along the lines of gender. Gendered political toolkits cue people when and how it is appropriate to mobilize, which tasks and roles to take on in small, even all-female groups, how to perform and which emotions to express when interacting with outsiders. Activists can experience their gender as a limitation, especially when navigating a political field organized around traditionalist gender norms and expectations. Still, they can also strategically employ the traditionalist perceptions and behaviors. Focusing on the basic level of collective action, activist small groups and their strategies, the article shows how activists navigate the constraints and opportunities of their gender as they mobilize in response to a controversial urban renewal proposal in Moscow, the Renovation program.     

掀起革命的巨潮 ——湘鄂川黔苏区文艺动员研究

湘鄂川黔苏区时期,中国共产党一方面深刻吸取过往湘鄂西苏区、黔东苏区的经验教训,另一方面紧紧抓住湘鄂川黔边地区发展文艺运动的有利社会条件,把文艺宣传作为革命动员的头等手段,掀起了一场革命动员的巨潮。在这场声势浩大的革命动员中,湘鄂川黔苏区科学制定文艺宣传动员目标,积极构建覆盖苏区的文艺宣传组织网络,广泛开展形态多样、丰富多彩的文艺宣传活动,其为坚持湘鄂川黔苏区的革命斗争提供了有力支持,极大促进了马克思主义在湘鄂川黔边地区的广泛传播,成功地探索了中国革命文艺发展的正确道路。     

借鉴国家创新系统理念,构建敏捷动员机制

国家创新系统是在全球化时代日益激烈的国际竞争环境下,各国为提高综合竞争实力和工作效率而做的制度安排,是以一国的特有因素为基础,强调关系和相互作用,强调知识的循环流转,从而追求高效率和新功能的组织体系。这是一种在系统方法论指导下的机能体系,刚好与国民经济动员领域敏捷动员的功能要求相契合。借鉴国家创新系统理念,对于构建敏捷动员机制具有重要的意义。