Repression and popular collective action: Evidence from the West Bank

This article examines the connection between state repression and the dynamics of popular collective action in the Palestinian West Bank from 1976 to 1985. Unlike traditional social movement research that focuses on structural causes, the analysis is confined here to the interaction between the state and its challengers. How shifts in the form and level of repression affected the rate of collective action is the main question addressed. A dynamic, continuous-time model, based on systematic evidence, is used to answer this question. Assuming a Weibull parameterization, the model allows for time dependence of the hazard rate. With a few exceptions, repression was found to increase the rate of collective action. This finding contradicts certain hypotheses advanced by movement researchers regarding the efficacy of state coercion and control, and suggests that repression may appropriately be considered a powerful mobilizational force in similar contexts.An earlier version was presented at the annual meetings of the American Sociological Association, Cincinnati, Ohio, August 1991.     

动员联盟盟员敏捷性的评价指标体系与方法

动员联盟是为完成动员任务而组成的、虚拟的临时性组织。针对动员联盟成员的特点,建立了适合物资动员的动员联盟盟员敏捷性的评价指标体系,并依据该指标体系对盟员的敏捷性进行评价。     

国民经济动员立法的必要性及重难点

军民融合已经上升为国家发展战略,国民经济动员作为军民融合发展战略中极为重要的领域,急需出台《国民经济动员法》予以规范和保障国民经济动员活动。十九大报告强调,要更加注重军民融合,建立和完善军民融合体制机制及政策法规。《国民经济动员法》需要解决何谓规范意义上的国民经济动员、军民融合发展战略对国民经济动员的新要求、综合性国家安全观视角下国民经济动员的新功能、国民经济动员权责和程序及国民经济动员实施的动力机制等问题,需要理顺国民经济动员的主管机构、政府及其组成部门的职能及国民经济动员的指挥体制。     

战时张家口(晋察冀)新华广播电台的社会动员

社会动员是国家、政党或社会组织等为实现特定目标所进行的社会活动,也是媒体在一定环境、一定历史时期的重要功能。张家口光复后,中国人民解放军接管的张家口(晋察冀)新华广播电台宣告成立并立即开播,开启了中国共产党在战争中城市办广播的新篇章,广播电台在“大家办广播”方针指引下积极动员多方力量,快速发展,丰富了电台的节目类型和广播内容,增强了中国共产党广播的影响力,也成为人民群众的“耳目喉舌”,为新中国党的广播事业发展奠定了基础。     

Resistance,Space and Political Identities: The Making of Counter-Global Networks

Activists in seven US cities were interviewed about why they thought people in their communities mobilized against alcohol-related problems. The data were analyzed in light of the focus on resource mobilization theory in the social movement literature. In contrast with claims that resources are the primary catalyst for change, informants emphasized the role of grievances, and to a lesser extent, bridging factors that caused residents to be more aware of or frustrated by problems, and thus ready for change. Resources seemed to provide necessary but insufficient conditions for explaining movement participation, suggesting that, to be effective, resources must be channeled to address and be linked to the grievous social conditions of inner city communities.     

20世纪90年代以来国内政治动员问题研究述评

通过对20世纪90年代以来国内政治动员问题的研究的分析,从侧重于军事目的和政治目的两个角度归纳了政治动员的概念研究;阐明了关于政治动员的分类、具体方式和功能方面的研究;并对如何提高政治动员的有效性问题进行了综述。最后指出了20世纪90年代以来政治动员问题研究的不足。     

Mobilizing personal networks into concert audiences: The differential multilevel effects in an art convention

As a specific art convention, graduating music students in college often invite network members to attend their degree recitals. This customary practice of network mobilization involves two types of tie effects that seemingly conflicted with each other, which became more acute when the practice abruptly changed during the Covid-19 pandemic. Based on invitation and attendance records collected from seventy-one recitals in a span of two decades before (N = 4866) and during the pandemic (N = 428) in Taiwan, multilevel analysis helped untangle which concert and tie features contributed to successful invitations at both the recital and invitation levels. Recruiting a larger proportion of weak ties helped boost the overall attendance at the recital level, while strong ties ensured positive responses to individual invitations in terms of both meeting at the recital hall and recalling the recital, particularly before the pandemic. More importantly, certain cross-level effects changed during the pandemic while others remained intact.     

The stages of mass mobilization: separate phenomena and distinct causal mechanisms

The notion that mass mobilization has analytically important stages is underappreciated in the literature. This paper proposes an approach that decomposes mass mobilization into three main phenomena: origins, protest and outcome. Each stage is characterized by unique factors and mechanisms. Accordingly, the research questions pertaining to each stage are dealt with by multiple levels of analysis and alternative explanations, allowing theory testing and theory development. The paper highlights separate causal mechanisms that operate in the emergence of grievances and protest motivation during the origins stage; mechanisms involving different forms of pressure, organization, psychological processes, and external forces during the protest stage; and mechanisms pertaining to key players and strategies that determine outcomes of mass mobilization. We illustrate that certain factors and mechanisms which are key in one stage have little or no causal relevance in the other stages. Other factors and mechanisms may also dramatically change in content, meaning or configuration between the stages. This theoretical approach facilitates the integration of a large and diverse body of scholarship into a structured analysis of mass mobilization that allows for both a detailed case study as well as comparison of stages across mass protests. The analysis of stages and causal mechanisms is illustrated across cases of democratization, revolution, and protest within democracy.     

陕甘宁边区农民群众开荒动员述论

陕甘宁边区为了克服严重的物质困难,将边区的内部移民和外来难民、边区的老户农民以及“二流子”和妇女都广泛动员起来开荒生产。这不仅为减轻边区人民负担、为边区经济发展作出了重大贡献,还体现了中国共产党强大的社会动员能力和一贯的群众路线与群众工作方法。     

Activist online resource mobilization: Relationship building features that fulfill resource dependencies

This study examined activist group websites (N = 300) to determine how activists are engaging in resource mobilization online and provides a benchmark for current mobilization practices by activists. Website features asking visitors to donate, join the organization, and links to other activist groups were most common on the sites. The study positions resource mobilization in terms of online relationships and organizational linkages, argues that resource dependencies drive mobilization efforts and that resource-based relationships with publics may be established in the mobilization process.