建国初期上海卫生运动述论

新中国成立初期,为了快速有效地建立卫生防疫体系,中国共产党在全国范围之内发动了规模空前的卫生运动。上海作为人口超过500万的超大型城市,卫生防疫事业显得尤为重要和紧迫。为此,新政府采取了发动群众,组织社会运动的形式来推动卫生防疫事业的开展。事实证明,这样的方式解决了政府资源不足而可能招致的效能低下问题,更为重要的是,卫生运动迅速有效地降低了各种疫病的爆发率,市民生命健康水平显著提高。     

民用工业动员基础的内涵及构成

民用工业动员基础是民用工业动员赖以实施的基础条件,它对民用工业动员,乃至国民经济动员的有效实施起着十分重要的作用。在对民用工业动员基础的内涵、外延进行界定的基础上,从系统论角度探讨了民用工业动员基础的构成。认为:民用工业动员基础由产品生产、创新研发、维护保养和组织协调四个子系统构成,并进一步分析了各子系统的构成模块及其构成要素,讨论了影响各模块运行效果的因素,为民用工业动员基础的研究和建设提供了一种新的视角。     

试析中央苏区群众运动模式的运作

中国共产党成立后，群众运动作为阶级斗争的表现形式就伴随着党的历史。苏区局部执政时期，党通过宣传的普适化、组织的严密化、肃反的经常化，保证了苏区群众运动轰轰烈烈的开展。建国后，群众运动动员模式虽不断重塑，但相对于苏区中共局部执政时期的运作式样，其实是形变而实存。     

Definitions of conflict and the legitimation of resources: The case of environmental risk

This paper examines the social construction of conflict over environmental health and safety issues (i.e., environmental risk). Four explanations for such conflict are commonly offered in the environmental policy literature. We examine the interests served by each. We hypothesize that environmental policy professionals hold definitions of conflict consistent with the values and interests of the organizations for which they work and the professions of which they are members. These definitions enhance the legitimacy of the resources those groups possess in relative abundance. Data from a survey of risk professionals are generally consistent with these hypotheses. We conclude by generalizing beyond environmental conflict to identify ways in which disputes about the nature of a social problem or conflict are often at the same time struggles to determine the value of the resources available to social movements and their opponents.An earlier version of the paper was presented at the 1984 annual meeting of the American Sociological Association. The views expressed herein do not necessarily represent those of George Mason University, George Washington University, or the National Research Council or any of its constituent units.     

A theoretical framework for comparisons of social movement participation

This article attempts to draft a framework for the comparison of movement participation. The standards of comparison I developed at the movement level were the magnitude of mobilization potentials, the composition of multiorganizational fields, organizational characteristics, and action orientation. Utilizing this framework, I compared mobilization campaigns for three different types of activities conducted by three different movements: a campaign conducted by a labor union for, possibly, a strike, a campaign of the Dutch peace movement in a local community for a national demonstration, and campaigns by women's groups in a community for a variety of activities. I explain differences in motivational dynamics and levels of participation in terms of differing movement characteristics. Finally, I discuss the advantages of comparative work on social movements.     

抗战时期抗日根据地文艺动员的基本经验——以山东抗日根据地为中心的考察

抗日战争时期抗日根据地以文艺活动和形式为载体进行社会动员所取得的成功经验表明:文艺动员必须要有高度的组织性和明确的目的性;文艺动员要让群众参与进来;文艺动员要注重地域性与务实性;文艺动员必须走大众化和通俗化的路子。抗日根据地文艺动员的伟大历史实践,积累了丰富的经验,值得认真总结。     

政治运动动员结构研究——以高校大学生政治运动动员结构为视角

高校可通过强化高校组织在政治动员过程中的引导作用,将结构外政治动员纳入结构内政治动员,降低虚拟关系网络在政治动员过程中的作用,降低政治动员对高校空间环境的依赖,以有效降低高校大学生政治运动动员的潜在失控风险。     

Going Green: Environmental Protest,Policy, and CO2 Emissions in U.S. States, 1990–2007

A major goal of the environmental movement is to conserve or improve the natural environment, but evidence showing that environmental mobilization produces positive environmental outcomes is mixed. This article addresses a fundamental question about the relative impact of pro‐environmental mobilization and the scope of an environmental policy regime on the natural environment. Using panel data at the state level from 1990 through 2007, we explore how environmental protest and environmental policies independently (or jointly) reduce CO₂ emissions in U.S. states. We find that the level of emissions in a state declines in states with increases in pro‐environmental protest, net of the effects of the range of environmental policies enacted, gasoline taxes, liberal attitudes, reliance on the fossil fuel industry, number of registered lobbyist organizations, gross state product, and population size.     

Kunuk took it to the streets of Greenland: single-issue protests in a young online democracy

Single-issue protests and online mobilization have proliferated in the wake of social media. While significant ground has been covered regarding the changing possibilities for mobilization, the question of how specific circumstances condition the political impact of online mobilization and public protests has received much less attention. During the last couple of years, Greenlanders have increasingly employed Facebook to mobilize the populace and arrange public demonstrations with noteworthy results. Arguing that single-issue protests cannot be separated from the issues they are concerned with, the paper explores how a single and potential trivial political issue – a new parliament building – developed from a prestige project supported by a nearly unanimous Parliament into a public-contested issue and a failed political project. The paper invokes Actor-Network Theory to account for the trajectory of the issue and how it was translated along the way as actors built and broke alliances. The concepts of mobilizing structures, opportunity structures and framing processes are employed to shed light on the conditions of possibilities for the emergence, development and impact of the protest against the parliament building. Finally, the paper discusses social media’s impact on the image of politically engaged Inuit and on the power relations between citizens and parliament in Greenland. This discussion is of paramount importance as Greenlanders are struggling with their colonial heritage while they are constructing Greenlandic democracy.     

论进一步完善国防动员法律体系——关于内蒙古自治区能源动员试点的体会和思考

为完善国防动员法律法规体系,迫切需要推进国民经济动员立法。推进国民经济动员立法的主要任务是:依法理顺国民经济动员指挥体制,依法明确地方政府部门的国民经济动员职能,依法明确国民经济动员主管机构,依法明确国民经济动员跨领域协调的手段,依法明确补偿责任和补偿办法。