清朝咸同年间滇东南回民捍卫民族生存斗争的性质辨析——对马德新、马如龙的重新评价

清代咸同年间爆发的滇东南回民反对清政府的抗暴自卫斗争,具有维护民族生存自立的性质,与滇西杜文秀领导的各族反清大起义不同,故对其领导人马德新、马如龙不能以简单的投降、叛徒论之,而应给予客观评价。     

Agriculture,communities, and new social movements: East European ruralities in the process of restructuring

This paper examines the usefulness of the new social movements (NSMs) paradigm in the changing context of East European post-communist societies and their agricultural systems and rural communities. Starting with statements formulated in Western sociology in the context of Western democratic societies about NSMs as a protest against modernity, the paper analyses the role of such movements in the still modernizing Eastern European reality. The first part of the paper briefly examines some basic elements of the NSMs paradigm in European and American social science. The goal of this section is not only to identify the basic characteristics of NSMs, but also to identify the typical frames used by them. The second part of the paper focuses on the presence of NSMs in the communist era. Drawing on the idea of NSMs as indicators of a ‘post-materialist shift’ as well as of ‘anti-establishment’ and ‘pro-participatory democracy’, the paper examines the frames of democratic opposition in Eastern Europe before 1989. The final part of the paper considers several selected examples from Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic to explore the role of NSMs in the process of shaping new ruralities during the post-communist transformation.     

1900年清政府"对外宣战"说驳正

1900年6月21日清政府对外宣战的传统说法是错误的,没有根据的。6月21日慈禧以光绪皇帝名义下达给内阁的＂上谕＂,其实只是慈禧对清王朝内部关于＂和战剿抚＂问题争论的决断和表态,属于内部性质的谕旨。有人把它解读为＂宣战诏书＂是讲不通的。因为它既没有对外公开颁布,也没有送达任何国家政府或使臣,而且其措辞写法也根本不像宣战诏书的样子。因此,所谓清政府对外宣战的说法不能成立。实际上,在当时的中外媒体、有关的外交往来函电、列强的反应以及国际公法的视角中,也都找不到清政府对外正式宣战的证据。     

Place making,grassroots organizing,and rural protest: A case study of Anahim Lake,British Columbia

Contemporary rural social movements bring diverse interest groups and stakeholders together at the local scale in the pursuit of common visions and goals, often against the backdrop of an external threat. The challenge for a movement's leaders is to negotiate and design a rural agenda that resonates with this complex constituency. One way to approach this problem is to construct and politicize a local sense of place as a means of rallying insiders against outside forces and pressures. This article explores the place-making activities of rural leaders operating within a complex social setting through an analysis of a grassroots social movement in Anahim Lake, British Columbia. The study uses the concept of the “place frame” to explore how Anahim's activists created a local discursive framework that enabled them to bridge dissimilar environmental values and practices within the community. The removal of external pressures following protest, however, saw the dissolution of this alignment. In documenting this process, the article contributes to a fuller understanding of the significance of place in grassroots protest and activism.     

中国医疗卫生行业发展影响因素的提炼与甄别

关于卫生行业发展影响因素的现有研究多数基于定性分析，而实证研究较少。为从静态和动态两个角度将经济社会发展对卫生行业发展的制约关系进行量化与应用研究，建立多元线性回归模型和ARMA（1，1）模型将社会经济因素对卫生行业发展的影响程度和影响方向进行提炼与甄别，结果表明：人均收入水平、财政卫生支出是影响中国卫生服务业发展的两个主要因素，城乡收入比和人口老龄化对卫生行业发展的影响还不是很显著。     

法家的＂以术治吏＂与企业的刚性管理

从人性的高度上揭示法家"以术治吏"的理论基础是本文的主要特点之一.与此同时,还详细论述了法家的"察奸之术"、"防奸之术"和"除奸之术"等,并且进一步对法家"以术治吏"的刚性管理做出了客观的评价.     

Social Movement,Action and Change: The Influence of Women's Movements on City Government in Mumbai and London

This article reports on a research investigation into gender and local government in Mumbai in India and London in England. In both these cities female representation at the political level stands at around one third, achieved in London slowly in recent years and in Mumbai more rapidly through the adoption of a quota, or seat reservation system, implemented in 1992. In considering the experience of the women concerned it is argued that their presence and aspirations have been influenced through the networks of their respective women's movements, operating through civil society and the local state. In considering the ways in which they organize and manage the duties of office and their gendered identities, as well as in their focus on the most disadvantaged in their communities and in their dealings with others, the part played by social movements in influencing change is examined.     

Protest avatars as memetic signifiers: political profile pictures and the construction of collective identity on social media in the 2011 protest wave

Protest avatars, digital images that act as collective symbols for protest movements, have been widely used by supporters of the 2011 protest wave, from Egypt to Spain and the United States. From photos of Egyptian martyr Khaled Said, to protest posters and multiple variations of Anonymous' mask, a great variety of images have been adopted as profile pictures by Internet users to express their support for various causes and protest movements and communicate it to all their Internet peers. In this article, I explore protest avatars as forms of identification of protest movements in a digital era. I argue that protest avatars can be described as ‘memetic signifiers’ because (a) they are marked by a vagueness and inclusivity that distinguishes them from traditional protest symbols and (b) lend themselves to be used as memes for viral diffusion on social networks. In adopting these icons, participants experience a collective fusion in an online crowd, whose gathering is manifested in the very ‘masking’ of participants behind protest avatars. These forms of collective identification, while powerful in the short term, can however prove quite volatile, with Internet users often discarding avatars with relative ease, raising the question whether they can provide durable foundational elements of contemporary social movements.     

‘Quiet Food Sovereignty’ as Food Sovereignty without a Movement? Insights from Post-socialist Russia

Abstract

What does food sovereignty look like in settings where rural social movements are weak or non-existent, such as in countries with post-socialist, semi-authoritarian regimes? Focusing on Russia, we present a divergent form of food sovereignty. Building on the concept of ‘quiet sustainability’, we present a dispersed, muted, but clearly bottom-up variant we term ‘quiet food sovereignty’. In the latter, the role of the very productive smallholdings is downplayed by the state and partly by the smallholders themselves. Those smallholdings are not seen as an alternative to industrial agriculture, but subsidiary to it (although superior in terms of sociality and healthy, environmentally friendly produce). As such, ‘quiet food sovereignty’ deviates from the overt struggle frequently associated with food sovereignty. We discuss the prospects of ‘quiet food sovereignty’ to develop into a full food sovereignty movement, and stress the importance of studying implicit everyday forms of food sovereignty.