论抗日战争始于江桥之战

1931年11月4日至11月19日,代理黑龙江省政府主席马占山,率领黑龙江省爱国官兵,在江桥(今齐齐哈尔市泰来县江桥镇)奋起抗击日本军队的进攻,历经16天,毙伤日军1000多人。这是自“九一八”事变以来,日本军队遭到的第一次重创。江桥抗战是中国军队第一次有组织、有准备武装抗击日本侵略者的战役,极大地鼓舞和振奋了全国人民的抗日斗志,促进和推动了抗日救亡高潮的到来,在世界上也产生了广泛的影响。因此,我们认为江桥抗战理应作为中国人民14年抗日战争开始的标志而载入史册。     

海外潮侨与祖国抗战

本文对抗日战争时期海外潮侨从财力、人力、物力等方面支援祖国作了全面重点的回顾，充分肯定潮侨的爱国表现和重要作用，指出他们发扬了爱国爱乡好传统，为挽救民族危亡献出了炎黄子孙一份力量，其爱国业绩永载史册，在祖国的抗战史、华侨爱国斗争史以及东南亚反侵略斗争史上应占有一定的地位。     

谭嗣同是一位典型的改良主义者

史学界一般将谭嗣同定位为资产阶级民主主义革命派或改良运动左派人物,这一观点有失偏颇。谭嗣同是一位典型的改良主义者,其根据有二:其一,谭嗣同和梁启超在戊戌变法时期,其思想均未越出康有为的变法轨道;其二,在1898年之后,惟有梁启超才真正继承了谭嗣同的思想,而将谭嗣同奉为旗帜的革命派,其主张与谭的思想只是"形似而实不是"。革命派扬嗣同而抑康梁,不仅是对康、梁、谭个人之不公,而且也混淆了革命派与改良派的真实界限。     

从“不平则鸣”到“穷而后工”论王安石诗歌创作道路

王安石的诗歌创作道路依据他的生平际遇可概括为两个时期：前期创作主要是“不平则鸣”,北宋积贫积弱,改革举步维艰,使他不得已用诗歌抒发自己忧患之情;后期的创作是“穷而后工”,晚年罢相以后,他致力于追求诗歌艺术,在中国诗歌史上有所建树。他从”不平则鸣”到”穷而后工”的转变,有时代、政治、思想、文化等原因,并受其个性因素的影响,是必然的,有典型意义的。     

让阳光照亮政权运行机制——学习十七大报告的一点思考

党的十七大提出“必须让权力在阳光下运行”,因此各级党组织和各级政府都要大力推进“阳光工程”,使阳光照亮每一个角落。只有把政务公开、信息公开、政策规定公开、舆论公开、司法公开、人事干部工作公开、党务公开等全方位、全过程公开,接受群众监督,才能有效预防腐败。     

Discursive opportunities and the transnational diffusion of ideas: ‘brainwashing’ and ‘mind control’ in Japan after the Aum Affair

A case study in the sociology of ideas, this article refines the theory of ‘discursive opportunities’ to examine how intellectual claims cross national and linguistic boundaries to achieve public prominence despite lacking academic credibility. Theories of ‘brainwashing’ and ‘mind control’ originally began in the United States in the 1960s as a response to the growth of new religious movements. Decades later in Japan, claims that so‐called ‘cults’ ‘brainwashed’ or ‘mind controlled’ their followers became prominent after March 1995, when new religion Aum Shinrikyō gassed the Tokyo subway using sarin, killing thirteen. Since then, brainwashing/mind control have both remained central in public discourse surrounding the ‘Aum Affair’ despite their disputed status within academic discourse. This article advances two arguments. Firstly, the transnational diffusion of brainwashing/mind control from the US to Japan occurred as a direct result of the 1995 Tokyo sarin attack, which acted as a ‘discursive opportunity’ for activists to successfully disseminate the theories in public debate. Secondly, brainwashing/mind control became successful in Japanese public discourse primarily for their normative content, as the theories identified ‘brainwashing/mind controlling cults’ as evil, violent and profane threats to civil society.     

What Drives Progressive Policy? Institutional Politics,Political Mediation,Policy Feedbacks,and Early U.S. Old‐Age Policy

What drives progressive public policy? Because progressive policy challenges the interests of powerful people and interests that dominate policy making, it is puzzling that progressive policy ever happens. This article addresses this question by modeling and appraising institutional political, political mediation, and policy feedback theories and models of progressive policy making. Institutional political theory focuses on political institutional conditions, bureaucratic development, election results, and public opinion. Political mediation theory holds that social movements can have influence over progressive policy under favorable political conditions. Policy feedback theory holds that programs will be self‐reinforcing under certain conditions. The article goes beyond previous research by including and analyzing public opinion in institutional political and political mediation models and addressing positive policy feedbacks. We appraise five models derived from these three theories through fuzzy set qualitative comparative analyses of the generosity of early old‐age policy across U.S. states at two key moments. We find some support for each theory, and the results suggest that they are complementary. Left regimes or social movements can initiate progressive policy, which can be reinforced for the long term through positive policy feedback mechanisms. We discuss the implications for current U.S. politics and for progressive policy elsewhere.     

“Let's Call Ourselves the Super Elite”: Using the Collective Behavior Tradition to Analyze Trump's America

The mid‐twentieth century “collective behavior” school asserted that (1) collective behavior—the actions of crowds, movements, and other gatherings—had distinct dynamics; (2) such action was often “nonrational,” or not governed by cost‐benefit calculation; and (3) collective behavior could pose a threat to liberal democracy because of these features. While this tradition fell out of scholarly favor, the 2016 election has given us empirical reasons to revisit some elements of collective behavior approaches. We argue for three key orienting concerns, drawn from this tradition, to understand the current political era. First is a focus on authoritarianism and populism, particularly among those who feel disaffected and isolated from political institutions, pared of psychologistic determinism and geared more sensitively to their manifestations as a political style. Second is a focus on racialized resentment, strain, and perceptions of status decline, especially in how such feelings are activated when people are confronted with disruptions to their lives. Third is an analysis of “emergent norms” and the extent to which political actors produce normative understandings of contextually appropriate action that are distinct from traditional political behavior. We elaborate on these themes, apply them to examples from current politics, and suggest ways to incorporate them into contemporary sociological research.     

A Queer Theorist’s Critique of Online Domestic Violence Advocacy: Critically Responding to the National Coalition Against Domestic Violence Web Site

Since the foundations of the contemporary anti-violence movement in the 1960s and 1970s, advocates have sought to establish a critical understanding of domestic violence that we can use to direct our efforts for social change. Yet many advocates and advocacy organizations continue to rely on a problematic narrative of sameness that marginalizes and erases diverse victims’ experiences and needs. In this article, I conduct a critical discourse analysis of the National Coalition Against Domestic Violence Web site to identify outcomes of this narrative for the inclusivity of advocacy efforts. I argue that despite the organization’s numerous claims to represent diverse victims’ experiences, Web site content reveals that its purportedly general account of domestic violence normalizes the experiences of a small group of victims—namely, heterosexual, cisgender women. Further, the Web site’s content greatly limits the potential for thinking about and discussing violence across difference. I conclude with recommendations for changes in advocacy practices.     

The mediatization of leadership: grassroots digital facilitators as organic intellectuals,sociometric stars and caretakers*

ABSTRACT

Scholars of both resource mobilization theory and new social movement theory recognize leadership as integral to traditional social movements. Following global protest movements of 2011, some now characterize movements relying on social media as horizontal and leaderless. Whether due to an organizational shift to networks over bureaucracies or due to a change in values, many social movements in the present protest cycle do not designate visible leadership. Does leadership in social media activism indeed disappear or does it take on new forms? This paper undertakes an in-depth analysis of data obtained through interviews, event observations and analysis of media content related to three Canadian cases of civic mobilization of different scale, all of which strategically employed social media. The paper proposes a conceptual framework for understanding the role of these mobilizations’ organizers as organic intellectuals, sociometric stars and caretakers. By looking closely at the three cases through the lenses offered by these concepts, we identify the specific styles that characterize digitally mediatized civic leadership.