首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   3317篇
  免费   192篇
  国内免费   30篇
管理学   272篇
劳动科学   2篇
民族学   26篇
人才学   1篇
人口学   219篇
丛书文集   157篇
理论方法论   506篇
综合类   1085篇
社会学   1187篇
统计学   84篇
  2024年   7篇
  2023年   53篇
  2022年   47篇
  2021年   69篇
  2020年   135篇
  2019年   114篇
  2018年   135篇
  2017年   202篇
  2016年   148篇
  2015年   144篇
  2014年   197篇
  2013年   626篇
  2012年   207篇
  2011年   165篇
  2010年   126篇
  2009年   120篇
  2008年   146篇
  2007年   144篇
  2006年   145篇
  2005年   114篇
  2004年   97篇
  2003年   79篇
  2002年   72篇
  2001年   71篇
  2000年   49篇
  1999年   25篇
  1998年   21篇
  1997年   10篇
  1996年   12篇
  1995年   15篇
  1994年   5篇
  1993年   14篇
  1992年   6篇
  1991年   6篇
  1990年   4篇
  1989年   4篇
  1988年   3篇
  1985年   1篇
  1980年   1篇
排序方式: 共有3539条查询结果,搜索用时 62 毫秒
51.
Gay pride parades represent an active site of production of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender (LGBT), intersexual and queer identities, featuring a spatial and social articulation of political and human rights claims. While the multiplication of these events in different countries suggests the existence of a coherent and cohesive community which shares the same collective identity beyond national borders, different patterns in the organisation, part-taking and social and political connotations given to these events can be observed in different contexts. By means of a comparative visual ethnography of Italian and British Gay Pride Parades, this article investigates how the creation, mobilisation and challenge of quasi-normative LGBT identities occur within the spatial context of gay pride marches. It is argued, in particular, that while gay pride parades are sites in which the socio-political status quo can be successfully challenged, participants are also faced with the possibility of falling prey to dynamics of identity commodification and homonationalism which may ultimately deprive their claims of their subversive potential.  相似文献   
52.
Social capital has been considered a cause and consequence of various uses of new information and communication technologies (ICTs). However, there is a growing divergence between how social capital is commonly measured in the study of ICTs and how it is measured in other fields. This departure raises questions about the validity of some of the most widely cited studies of social capital and ICTs. We compare the Internet Social Capital Scales (ISCS) developed by Williams [2006. On and off the ’net: scales for social capital in an online era. Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication, 11(2), 593–628. doi: 10.1111/j.1083-6101.2006.00029.x] – a series of psychometric scales commonly used to measure ‘social capital’ – to established, structural measures of social capital: name, position, and resource generators. Based on a survey of 880 undergraduate students (the population to which the ISCS has been most frequently administered), we find that, unlike structural measures, the ISCS does not distinguish between the distinct constructs of bonding and bridging social capital. The ISCS does not have convergent validity with structural measures of bonding or bridging social capital; it does not measure the same concept as structural measures. The ISCS conflates social capital with the related constructs of social support and attachment. The ISCS does not measure perceived or actual social capital. These findings raise concerns about the interpretations of existing studies of ‘social capital’ and ICTs that are based on the ISCS. Given the absence of measurement validity, we urge those studying social capital to abandon the ISCS in favor of alternative approaches.  相似文献   
53.
雍正初年,清世宗在钱塘江海塘修筑中提出了“一劳永逸”的目标,并且为实现治水目的,在意识形态层面将海塘工程纳人到了“天人感应”理念的范畴。但是,“天神赐佑”、“非人力所能”与“一劳永逸”目标之间存在着明显的逻辑矛盾,从而对塘工修筑产生了深刻影响。意识形态与水利工程的交融,因此成为雍正朝治水政治的一大特点。  相似文献   
54.
I examine the role of Occupy Wall Street in shifting presidential and congressional discourse on economic fairness and inequality. Using data from 4646 presidential speeches and 1256 congressional records from 2009 to 2015, I test different mechanisms, including repression, media coverage, public opinion, and presidential agenda-setting by applying a novel combination of web scraping, natural language processing, and time series models. I suggest that movement success can be measured in its ability to shape discursive opportunity structures, and I argue that the role of the president should be at the forefront of social movements research. Ultimately, I demonstrate (1) that the repression of Occupy protesters not only predicts media coverage but also increases discursive opportunities through President Obama and Congress, (2) that media coverage of Occupy predicts presidential discourse, (3) that the president's rhetorical shift increases congressional response, and (4) that this change persists after the movement faltered.  相似文献   
55.
Regression analysis aims to estimate the approximate relationship between the response variable and the explanatory variables. This can be done using classical methods such as ordinary least squares. Unfortunately, these methods are very sensitive to anomalous points, often called outliers, in the data set. The main contribution of this article is to propose a new version of the Generalized M-estimator that provides good resistance against vertical outliers and bad leverage points. The advantage of this method over the existing methods is that it does not minimize the weight of the good leverage points, and this increases the efficiency of this estimator. To achieve this goal, the fixed parameters support vector regression technique is used to identify and minimize the weight of outliers and bad leverage points. The effectiveness of the proposed estimator is investigated using real and simulated data sets.  相似文献   
56.
Cognitive liberation is often treated in the social movements literature as a mediating factor through which political opportunities and mobilizing structures generate protest. This paper unpacks multiple dimensions of cognitive liberation and finds that they may operate in tension with one another. Building on scholarship that focuses on subjective factors in social movements, the paper examines the case of the Korku, an oppressed indigenous community in central India, who choose not to protest despite the presence of several dimensions of cognitive liberation. Rather than engage in collective political action, the Korku’s grievances are deflected toward depoliticized religious goals. The Korku seek communal improvement through Hindu piety in a context of the Hindutva cultural-nationalist ideology, rather than protest against the encroachment of this ideology on their community.  相似文献   
57.
管理信息系统故障影响着企业信息工程的开展。及时识别故障,能够为企业争取更多时间处理故障。因此,管理信息系统故障识别有着重要的研究意义和实践意义。基于支持向量机,构建管理信息系统故障识别模型,通过把样本应用于该模型,结果表明该模型具有较好的准确性,能有效识别管理信息系统故障。  相似文献   
58.
This article seeks to demonstrate and analyze the cultural and emotional work surrogate mothers collectively engage in on the largest surrogacy support website, http://www.surromomsonline.com . Surrogate mothers’ online stories and discussions frame contract surrogacy as a “labor of love.” Women often describe their surrogacy as a “journey” of shared love; they hope for a lasting relationship with the couple they carry for. This article explores how the language of love, learned and internalized through online communication with other surrogates, creates both a cultural conceptualization of surrogacy and a ground for action. Love and altruistic giving are consistent with close interpersonal rather than market relationships; surrogates hope for a long‐term friendship with their couple. Surrogacy journeys, however, not infrequently end in disappointment; surrogates feel betrayed when couples cut ties. As a result of collective learning, surrogates’ discussions increasingly articulate the position that love, even when unreciprocated, can lead to repeated giving; love is noble and ennobling. Surrogates find appreciation and support in their online surrogacy community where they agree that giving life is a moral good. This stance has contributed to a renewed enthusiasm to bear children for others.  相似文献   
59.
The current study used dyadic data to investigate the impact of relationship type and social support on the retrospective accounts of commitment trajectories of romantic relationships. Past research suggests that social support is a positive contributor to relationship stability and commitment, which may be especially true for partners in interracial relationships who face broader societal opposition than intraracial couples. Using multilevel modeling, we investigated the effects of sex, relationship type, and social support on reports of commitment. Results showed differences in trajectories of commitment based on couple type (interracial vs. intraracial) for both men and women. Social support was found to have an especially strong impact for women in interracial relationships compared with women in intraracial relationships, but there was no differential impact among men.  相似文献   
60.
ABSTRACT

The concept of a movement landscape is used to analyse continuities and changes in popular mobilization since the end of formal apartheid. Focusing on four different episodes of protest since 1997, the article examines their relationship to the ANC movement and traditions, and their organizational forms. It finds a general theme of fluid and ephemeral organization, and a distrust of formal hierarchal organization, that is relatively new in South Africa. The Marikana strikes produced the most far-reaching organizational realignments, while the student struggles generated the most innovative re-imaginings of political forms and discourses. It concludes that although there have been critiques of and challenges to the ANC tradition, and experiments with new forms of organizing, they have not produced alternatives that have lasted or dislodged the dominant approaches defined and popularized by the ANC movement.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号