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141.
张连义 《中国石油大学学报(社会科学版)》2015,(1):69-73
刘小兵的《积极叔》是一篇典型的包产叙事的文本,真实地反映了包产的复杂过程,表现出转型期的复杂思想。从政治、伦理、道德等维度对其进行解读,不仅可以在一定程度上还原包产进程的原貌,而且对探讨知识分子的创作心理也大有裨益。 相似文献
142.
论社会主义市民社会在当代中国的必然性及其培育与建构 总被引:8,自引:0,他引:8
社会主义市民社会可能性的最深刻根源在于当代中国社会主义市场经济的发展。而社会主义市场经济体制的最终完善,社会主义政治改革的持续深入,则又有赖于社会主义市民社会的充分发育。但是,建构中国式的社会主义市民社会决不意味着传统的国家与社会间的对立乃至对抗,而是要实现两者功能的交错与互补,即达到一种国家与社会间的良性互动关系。 相似文献
143.
新时期 ,以人为本日益成为高校思想政治网络建设的价值取向 ,表现为差异性原则、主体性原则、审美性原则、隐性教育原则等 相似文献
144.
直长运 《郑州航空工业管理学院学报(社会科学版)》2004,23(4):1-2
社会主义政治文明建设是新形势下高校统战工作的一个重要任务,发挥高校统战工作优势,做好党外人士和民主党派工作,调动各阶层人士工作的积极性和创造性,是促进社会主义政治文明建设的重要方面. 相似文献
145.
146.
Sally Tomlinson 《Race Ethnicity and Education》2018,21(1):1-14
2018 marks the 50th anniversary of Enoch Powell’s infamous ‘Rivers of Blood’ speech, an intervention that is still viewed as one of the most incendiary statements of the perceived decay and violence likely to follow legislation intended to assure minoritised British citizens of equal rights regardless of their ethnic origin. In this essay, Sally Tomlinson (one of Britain’s foremost multicultural theorists) reflects on Powell’s legacy and the contemporary scene where in the US, UK and across Europe, White resentment and fear is increasingly shaping ‘mainstream’ debates about nationhood, migration and education. 相似文献
147.
Jan Rath Annemarie Bodaar Thomas Wagemaakers Pui Yan Wu 《Journal of ethnic and migration studies》2018,44(1):81-98
Right in Amsterdam’s picturesque Canal Zone, on and around Zeedijk, Chinese entrepreneurs have carved out a presence in what seems like the local Chinatown. The businessmen have been targeting Asian and non-Asian customers by offering products that – to an extent – can be associated with Asia, China in particular. Since the early 1990s, individual entrepreneurs and their business organisations have campaigned for official acknowledgement of Zeedijk as an ethnic-only district and for governmental support of the enhancement of Chineseness. Following Hackworth and Rekers. [(2005). “Ethnic Packaging and Gentrification. The Case of Four Neighborhoods in Toronto.” Urban Affairs Review 41 (2): 211–236], we argue that this case challenges traditional understandings of ethnic commercial landscapes. In sharp contrast to the current orthodoxy, which would conceive the proliferation of such an ‘ethnic enclave’ as part of a larger process of assimilation, we have approached Amsterdam’s Chinatown first and foremost as a themed economic space: Chinese and other entrepreneurs compete for a share of the market and in doing also for the right to claim the identity of the area. What is the historical development of the Zeedijk area, how did Chinese entrepreneurs and their associations try to boost Chinatown and negotiate public Chineseness, and how did governmental and non-governmental institutional actors respond to those attempts? 相似文献
148.
从某种程度说,1930年代中国政治学研究已经达到了相当高的研究水平,涌现出一批优秀政治学家,出版了一批高质量的研究专著,并于1932年成立了中国政治学会。此种研究状态的持存自有其独特的社会政治空间。首先,社会自由促发民主革命的政治革命逻辑使任何当政者都不得不宣称政府的民主合法性;其次,教授治校和出版言论自由,为政治学研究提供了政治民主空间;最后,流动迁徙自由与相对优厚的教员薪俸,为政治学研究提供了社会自由的社会经济基础。 相似文献
149.
Within sexual geographies, sexual struggles over urban public spaces are frequently explored. Less common is research on sexual struggles within sexually shared spaces and gay spaces. The aim of the article is to examine discursive struggles of meanings of gay male identity enacted in discussions of commodification/capitalism, disclosure, and space in Swedish gay press during 1969–1986. We trace the ambivalent feelings or the emergence of a new gay male norm situated between commercialism and non-commercialism within the Swedish gay press back to the 1970s. In the article we show how a monosexualization process was taking place in both the Swedish gay press as well as within sexual spaces. We explore rhetorical struggles between two competing discursive meanings of (ideal homonormative) male homosexuality, gay culture, and space: one wider (inclusive) and one narrower (exclusive). 相似文献
150.
Sohail Hossain Hassanein 《Social Identities》2016,22(4):376-396
This paper offers an analysis of crime in the Palestinian society in Israel from the perspective of political relationships. It illustrates that the state of Israel is trying to define and identify crime through ideologies and narrow interests. This process is part of a mechanism of control, which intends to criminalize the daily life of the Palestinians. Discriminatory behavior against Arabs by police is more apparent and the records on crime are sometimes inaccessible, with a mania for secrecy, and view the whole Arab community as a security danger. The Israeli social control policy politicizes this community, with excess control in some areas and a lack of control in others. The paper concludes that no detailed arguments are needed in order to see the ineffectiveness of the Israeli control policy as long as the basic root of the political struggle is not answered. 相似文献