Conceptualizing homonationalism: (Re-)Formulation,application, and debates of expansion

Although the concept of homonationalism is still relatively new, it has already undergone substantial reformulation from its original conception. Moreover, the concept has been the subject of substantial debate. Originally formulated by Jasbir Puar specifically in a US context, the concept sought to capture the reciprocal relationship between LGBTQ + movements/identities and nationalism/imperialism. The concept has since expanded in scope both geographically and analytically, applied to contexts outside of the United States, and increasingly analyzed as a global, inescapable phenomenon. This expansion has been sharply criticized with arguments that the concept has been overextended. Such critiques argue that the extension of the concept's scope has limited homonormativity's utility both critically and analytically. In this article, we seek to outline how the concept is applied and used as well as the debates emerging from the concept—and from its reformulation in particular. We also identify areas where further clarity related to the concept is needed. Given the concept's complexity and multifaceted usage, we suggest that future research engage carefully in the debates sparked by its development.     

《简爱》中的法国形象及民族主义话语

如果结合历史对《简.爱》进行解读,我们就会发现其中使用了一些惊人而谨慎的策略,表达了关于本土民族道德价值的肯定性,同时还伴随着对其他世界价值的贬低。它的叙事经常暗中指导着我们对文化、历史、民族的评价,让我们毫无警惕地走入文明优劣论的盲区。这是作品民族主义话语的表现,也是其潜在的历史性所在。     

再说全球化

全球化是一种历史现象,它或是以友好和平的方式进行物质与文化的影响、交流,或是以武力冲突进行政治和精神上强制性的交融。面对全球化,需要克服狭隘的民族文化心理,以开放的心态,积极主动的应对由此产生的一些问题,同时也要警惕霸权主义。     

One nationalism and two systems: the parallel regulations of Taiwan's marital immigration policies

By investigating the regulation differentials between Chinese spouses and foreign spouses in Taiwan's marital immigration program, this article shows how a restrictive border policy reflects the characteristics of Taiwan's contemporary nationalism. This article notes that the similarities in language, culture and ethnicity are not key elements in the construction of Taiwan's contemporary nationalism. Instead, the uncertain condition of sovereign identity constitutes the nationalist agenda in Taiwan. Taiwan's nationalism is accordingly contingent upon the discursive externality of a Chinese spouse. The discrimination against Chinese spouses is primarily politically motivated.     

From Russian to Ukrainian Eurasianism: the new ‘historical’ friends and enemies

Eurasianism is a popular creed in post-Soviet Russia. Its supporters believe Russia is a unique blend of Slavic and non-Slavic, mostly Muslim Turkic people. With the rise of Russian nationalism, Muslims were transformed into enemies. It has been a different story in Ukraine, where Russians – ‘the old brothers’ – became an alien force and Turkic people an acceptable minority. This trend has held for the last 20 years regardless of all vacillations in Ukrainian political/cultural development.     

日本“古学”与“国学”的各自分工及学理关联

"古学"与"国学",是日本近世两大重要的思想流派.各自的集大成者荻生徂徕和本居宣长,取向上有差异,话语上有分别,但学脉上有关联,观点上有承袭.在将实用主义和民族主义同时植入自己学说体系内,并为它们营造可以连续生长的文化环境乃至政治环境的问题上,两者间并无龃龉,且成为日本近世思想链条上前后衔续、难以分断的两大逻辑连环.     

Emotions and Nationalism: Armenian Genocide as a Case Study

Until recently, sociologists have paid surprisingly little attention to the relationship between emotions and nationalism. Existing accounts remain homogeneous, linear and nonrelational. To remedy this gap, this article compares public controversies in Turkey over the Armenian genocide at two historical moments: its semi‐centennial anniversary in 1965, and the publication of an article in 2004 by the Armenian‐Turkish journalist Hrant Dink that led to his assassination in 2007. It demonstrates that the genocide, and the conflicting epistemic structures that it incites, is a source of anxiety for Armenians due to their actual displacement within the nation. It is also a source of anxiety for Turks due to the perceived threat of displacement within the nation. These relational anxieties over the nation played an important role, during these two events, in reproducing hierarchical and exclusionary configurations, experiences, and representations of nationhood. During the 1965 semi‐centennial, Armenians reacted to the mainstream Turkish public's anxieties by pledging their loyalty to the state. Dink's assassination in 2007, on the other hand, showcases how an attempt by the excluded to redefine the what and who of the nation united otherwise separate social sections around a nationalist front.     

From mood to movement: English nationalism,the European Union and taking back control†

This article considers whether the 2016 EU referendum can be perceived as an English nationalist movement. Specifically, attention is given to examining how memories of the former British Empire were nostalgically enveloped in anxieties regarding England’s location within the devolved UK state. The comments and work of Enoch Powell and George Orwell are used to help explore the link between nostalgia and anxiety in accounts of English nationalism. Despite their opposing political orientations, when considered together, it is argued that both men provide a unique cross-political perspective on Englishness, empire and nostalgia. By way of exploring these themes in relation to the EU referendum, Aughey’s assertion that English nationalism can be perceived as both a “mood” and “movement” is used to highlight how a sense of English anxiety regarding its lack of national sovereignty (mood), as well as a desire to reclaim this sovereignty by renegotiating trade relations with the “Anglo-sphere” (movement), were conjoined in the popular referendum slogan, “take back control”. In conclusion, it is argued that the contextualization of the referendum can be predicated upon an orientation to empire that steers away from glorifying pro-imperial images of England/Britain, towards a more positive and progressive appropriation of the EU referendum as a statement of national change and belonging.     

Left divergence,right convergence: anarchists,Marxists, and nationalist polarization in the Ukrainian conflict, 2013–2014

ABSTRACT

The article traces nationalist polarization and divergence within the Ukrainian new left in response to the Maidan and Anti-Maidan protests in 2013–2014, and the military conflict in Eastern Ukraine. The ideological left-wing groups in the protests were too weak to push forward any independent progressive agenda. Instead of moving the respective campaigns to the left, they were increasingly converging with the right themselves and degraded into marginal supporters of either pro-Ukrainian or pro-Russian camps in the conflict. The liberal and libertarian left supported the Maidan movement on the basis of abstract self-organization, liberal values and anti-authoritarianism. In contrast, the Marxist-Leninists attempted to seize political opportunities from supporting more plebeian and decentralized Anti-Maidan protests and reacting to the far-right threat after the Maidan victory. They deluded themselves that Russian nationalists were not as reactionary as their Ukrainian counterparts and that the world-system crisis allowed them to exploit Russian anti-American politics for progressive purposes.     

文化民族主义：论俄罗斯与欧洲的关系

俄罗斯与欧洲、东方与西方的关系问题长期以来是俄罗斯国内外关注的焦点问题之一。由于地跨欧亚两洲和东西方文明的交汇地带 ,俄罗斯这个民族国家具有很大的特殊性和优越感 ,经常与西方不合拍或与西方不相同 ,但又不得不学习西方的先进 ,因而民族心理常不平衡。俄罗斯与欧洲列强相互存有戒心 ,文化民族主义决定了它们的相互关系 :俄罗斯永远不会变成西方 ,西方也永远不会完全接纳俄罗斯。俄与西欧、中欧、东欧的具体关系也不尽相同。竞争与合作并存 ,妥协与矛盾共生 ,磕磕碰碰 ,不会一帆风顺 ,是俄罗斯与西方关系的未来走向