‘Tourists go home’: anti-tourism industry protest in Barcelona

This profile looks at the wave of at times violent protests against the economic, social and environmental consequences of mass tourism in Barcelona, which came to international attention in the summer of 2017. It outlines the leading role played by left-wing nationalist activists linked to the Candidatura d’Unitat Popular (CUP, Popular Unity Candidacy) political party in the protests. I examine CUP’s direct-action methods, targeting local business interests and foreign tourists, as well as the largely critical response this prompted from the wider anti-tourism industry movement. This profile addresses the CUP’s justifications for the action and the echo effect it had in other parts of Spain. It argues that to understand the events requires a focus on aspects of both continuity and change in urban social movement mobilisation in Barcelona, against processes of neoliberal urbanisation, in which anti-tourism industry contestation is to the fore.     

Exposure to news about the South China Sea,nationalism, and government evaluation: examining the mediation roles of third-person effects and online discussion

Based on the communication mediation model, the third-person effect hypothesis was integrated to analyze the influence of the exposure to South China Sea news on its perceived effects on the self and others. In addition, the influences of such exposure on online discussions and political attitudes were examined, specifically in relation to nationalism and government evaluation. The survey (N?=?868) found that the respondents perceived a stronger media effect on others than on themselves, whereas exposure to traditional and news media exposure exhibited equivalent effects on the self and on others. Moreover, the perceived effects on oneself promoted online discussion and nationalism, whereas the perceived effects on others improved government evaluation. The findings of this study indicate that the effects of media exposure on nationalism and government evaluation are marginally mediated by perceived effects, online discussion, or both.     

A ‘weak and small’ race in China’s southwest: Yi elites and the struggle for recognition in Republican China

Studies on ethnic minorities for the Republican period (1912–1949) highlight the political agency these groups displayed in their negotiations with the modern Chinese state. Most of this work has focused on those non-Han groups officially recognized as part of the Five-Race Republic (wuzu gonghe). Little is known, however, about those excluded from the early Republic’s flag such as the Yi inhabiting southwest China. This article discusses the role played by a group of Yi leaders who engaged with Sun Yat-sen’s ideology of nationalism, racial equality, and anti-imperialism in their attempts to obtain both recognition and aid from the Chinese nation–state. Rather than rejecting the commonly used term to identify China’s non-Han population of ‘weak and small races’ present in Sun Yat-sen’s ideology, Yi elites appropriated this term to their advantage seeking aid from the Guomindang but at the same time placing boundaries to what they perceived to be a Han-centered state.     

Politics after National Development: Explaining the Populist Rise under Late Capitalism

Ten years after the global financial crisis, the world is living through times of great political uncertainty and turbulence. While the current historical juncture has presented renewed opportunities for progressive articulations against marketisation and the individualisation of risk (i.e. neoliberalism), more prominently it has awoken the ghosts of nationalism and various reactionary forms of populism. This article’s contribution is in contextualising this novel momentum within late capitalism. We argue that the combination of techno-logistical transformations in production and pro-market policy sets that facilitated the globalisation of capital, and which dealt a death blow to national development strategies, was met by elites with intensified efforts to dislocate politics from society through processes of ‘depoliticisation’ that in turn allowed for further marketising efforts. However, this dislocation has dovetailed with a formidable social crisis characterised by unprecedented levels of inequality and vulnerability amid immense wealth, calling into question the elite consensus around neoliberalism. While the leaders of the current political reawakening often distinguish themselves against post-political forms of neoliberal governance, they remain confronted by powerful interests and significant structural constraints as they promote solutions for global problems within the anachronistic confines of the nation-state.     

Fanon’s other children: psychopolitical and pedagogical implications

Discussions of the writings of theorist, psychiatrist and revolutionary, Frantz Fanon, in the fields of education and childhood typically focus on his account of a traumatic encounter with a white child, whose fear at the sight of a black man is said to create a vilified, racialised identity and installs an irreversible social and corporeal alienation. Yet Fanon’s writings include a range of other depictions of children, childhood and education which reflect his broader views of colonial and decolonisation processes that include recognisable tropes of classic developmentalism, including gender chauvinisms. Nevertheless, it is suggested that the diversity and complexity of child-related allusions across his texts allow for other critical readings that can inform educational debates on anticolonial analyses, of children, childhood and of their more general role in post and anti-development discourse.     

Devout Muslims or tough highlanders? Exploring attitudes toward ethnic nationalism and racism in Europe’s ethnic-Chechen Salafi communities

This is the first article that systematically deconstructs the idealised, widely shared view and formal self-representation of Salafis as a de-culturalised group of Muslim believers who are solely devoted to the idea of a uniform Muslim identity and are indifferent to the notions of ethnic nationalism and racism. Drawing on unique interviews with EU-based ethnic-Chechen émigré Salafis, the article illuminates the ways they draw boundaries and consequently construe their ethnic and racial identities as superior and opposed to Muslims stemming from the Middle East and Central Asia. Below the surface of coherent ideologically shaped self-representations, the diaspora Salafis’ identities reflect the idea of Chechnya’s mountainous topography being conducive to a superior ‘national mentality’, racial purity, and cultural uniqueness. Intriguingly, the diaspora-Chechen Salafis’ attitudes toward Middle Easterners and Central Asians employ a rhetoric which entails similarities with the notion of imagined geographies and to some extent resembles Western Orientalist discourse. In stark contrast to leading Salafi scholars’ statements emphasising a united Muslim identity, which are routinely echoed by outsiders, this article points out the maintenance of strong ethnic-nationalist and racist resentments amongst individual members of this religious community.     

Trump and the legacy of a menacing past

The inability to learn from the past takes on a new meaning as a growing number of authoritarian regimes emerge across the globe. This essay argues that central to understanding the rise of a fascist politics in the United States is the necessity to address the power of language and the intersection of the social media and the public spectacle as central elements in the rise of a formative culture that produces the ideologies and agents necessary for an American-style fascism. In this project, education is central to politics, which demands understanding and critically interrogating, in particular, the role of the conservative media in suppressing history, normalizing a discourse of racial hatred, and advancing the most poisonous elements of neoliberalism. The essay calls for a comprehensive notion of politics and education that draws from history, imagines a present that does not imitate the future, and employs a language of critique and hope in the service of building a new broad-based political formation. If fascism begins with language so does the possibility of a radical social imaginary in which to envision a democratic socialist order that both challenges the menacing momentum of a fascist politics and the savagery of neoliberal capitalism.     

民族主义与近代中国民族觉醒--以近代中国北部、西部边疆危机为例

民族与民族主义的概念产生于西方,并被赋予很强的政治含义:在西方的民族理论中,民族以建立民族国家为政治目标,民族主义是建立民族国家的理论基础.这种思想在近代传入中国,对中国的民族觉醒以及国家主权意识的培育产生了相当大的影响,也是近代以来西方殖民主义染指中国边疆民族地区,策划少数民族独立、分裂中国的理论依据.近代以来,在民族与国家关系的处理中,以中华民族为依托的国家观念在外力的作用下得到加强,使边疆危机最终得到化解.     

试析冷战后民族主义浪潮对国际关系的影响及其发展趋势

20世纪80年代末、90年代初,第三次民族主义浪潮席卷全球,对后冷战时代的国际关系产生了重大而深远的影响.这样的民族主义浪潮使世界地缘政治版图进一步碎片化;导致的恐怖主义,构成当代非传统安全领域的一个重点;民族主义的发展,引起国际社会对世界上一些国家和地区的少数民族生存状况和合法权益重视与保护.展望未来,欧洲,特别是西欧国家的排外主义浪潮、网络民族主义的发展、经济民族主义与文化民族主义这三个发展方向将引人关注.