何谓民族？——论厄内斯特·勒南的民族主义思想

《何谓民族》是法兰西学院院士厄内斯特·勒南一次著名演讲的讲稿。这篇讲稿是在法德两国就＂民族＂定义展开论战的历史背景下问世的,它强调界定民族的标准只能是民众的政治意愿而非种族血统或语言文化。因此,这篇讲稿被后来的民族主义研究者视为政治民族主义的理论典范。不过,《何谓民族》与勒南其他著作的论调并不一致,勒南在《何谓民族》中的言论可能是言不由衷。     

拉美民族主义的历史演进和发展趋势

拉美民族主义经历了从殖民地时期克里奥尔人的本土意识,到独立战争的英雄们的美洲主义思想,再到19世纪末知识精英的文化民族主义和反美主义,以及二战后作为推动发展与变革力量的经济民族主义。冷战结束后,随着全球化的加速发展,拉美民族主义受到了来自各方面的挑战。民族主义在不同的历史阶段其多元化的形式对拉美内政和外交产生了不同影响。     

论民族史学的演变

作为区域史学重要分支的民族史学的发展演变可以分为三个时期：民族史学的萌芽时期、以民族主义史学为特征的民族史学产生并在欧洲传播确立时期、民族史学全球传播并成为世界史学发展主流时期。民族史学发展每个时期的性质、表现形式和地位都有所不同。民族史学与史学的发展是相始终的。     

亚非作家会议的民族主义审视

长达十余年的"亚非作家会议",是世界殖民体系瓦解后区域联盟形式的民族主义文学运动,也是东方现代民族主义文学思潮高潮的标志。亚非区域联盟的兴起并不意味着东方世界在向世界共同体迈进,其实质是亚非国家对西方帝国主义国家称霸世界企图的一种防御性反应。当时复杂的国际政治局势对亚非作家会议产生了深刻的影响,意识形态两大阵营的对垒与亚非作家的民族主义意识之间有着非常复杂的关系。亚非作家会议的主旋律是反帝反殖、要求民族独立与发展,亚非民族、作家之间的团结与合作,建设民族新的文学与文化三大中心命题,主要是政治问题。会议整体上表现为文学性的缺失。     

A Burkean analysis of China Is Not Happy: a rhetoric of nationalism

As a sequel to China Can Say No, China Is Not Happy is the bestseller of 2009 in China. The book praises China's post-80s generation for their act of patriotism, condemns the West, in general, and the United States, in particular, for exploiting the Chinese and for causing a global economic crisis. It also criticizes the Chinese liberal elite and overseas returnees for being Western-influenced mental slaves and traitors. The authors of the book call for an abandonment of “literary tone”, advocate a tough stand against Western countries, and envision China as the leader of the world through its economic and military power. This paper examines the major themes and belligerent rhetoric employed in the book through an application of Kenneth Burke's rhetorical concepts of identification, terministic screens, and representative anecdotes. The author of this paper contends that such use of rhetoric demonstrates the language habit of China's political discourse in its modern history, escalates blind nationalism, and widens the gap in intercultural understanding between China and the US.     

Selective Amnesia: Memory and History of the Urfalli Syrian Orthodox Christians

This article analyzes how a community of Syrian Orthodox Christians (Urfallis), who were forced to emigrate from Urfa to Aleppo in 1924, reconstruct their collective history. These displaced Christians maintain silence about two important events in their history. The reason for their emigration and their participation in the Syrian nationalist movement during the 1930s are either wiped from their memories or deliberately concealed. This selective amnesia is conditioned largely by the complex relationship between the ruling elite, whether French or Syrian, and ordinary Urfallis. The process of historical reconstruction suggests that the ambivalent position of these Christians, which stems from their religious affiliation and immigrant origin, makes them design alternative narratives in order to adapt to the changing political situation whilst they establish a secure position for themselves within Syrian society.     

Sovereignty and the other in Ecuadorian nationalist discourse

This article explores how exhortations for national unity are intrinsically linked to the symbolic displacement of a problematic other through an examination of elite Ecuadorian nationalist discourse and its construction of Indigenous activists as internal enemies. Specifically, this article looks at the role that the 2008 border row between Ecuador and Colombia played in publicly legitimating a concept of Ecuadorian citizenship rooted in racial homogeneity. Ecuador's northern border served as an ideal mechanism for performing the Ecuadorian state's authority to establish the internal borders that separated ‘citizens’ from ‘enemies’. These performances of state legitimacy highlighted Ecuador's victimisation by a more powerful neighbour/imperial proxy as a means for building regional empathy, while reinforcing the legitimacy of the Ecuadorian government to marginalise Indigenous social movements as a means to symbolically assert ‘national unity’.     

Max Weinreich,assimilation and the social politics of Jewish nation-building

Through an analysis of the methodological and theoretical writings of Max Weinreich that were devoted to the inter-war Jewish youth research programme at the Jewish Scientific Institute (YIVO), this article discusses the ideological and political assumptions that lay behind this scientific project. Deconstructing the main research categories of the project, the author presents ways in which Weinreich and his associates constructed the Jewish nation and its place in the new inter-war political and social reality. This reality was seen in a complex manner, as a simultaneous chance for Jewish modernisation, upward mobility, productivisation, and as a response to the threat of modern state institutions that were introducing discriminatory policies, and, most importantly, assimilation. The last process was seen as the biggest danger, which could fragment and finally even dissolve the essentialist, secular and national model of Jewish community as envisioned by Max Weinreich and YIVO. The author shows how the essentialist vision of the nation omnipotent in inter-war Poland (among both Polish and Jewish communities) introduced unresolved tension between the need for social and cultural integration of the Jews, which was important for Weinreich and his circle, and the simultaneous aim of building a culturally and politically coherent Jewish nation. Further discussion shows how this kind of perception of social reality transformed a scientific research project into a kind of social intervention and nation-building programme, comparable to the ideologies of Jewish national secularist political parties. While presenting itself as a universal, national institution and addressing its call to all Jewish youth, YIVO promoted a particular political view of the Jewish nation and its tradition, history and religion. By engaging Jewish youth in a research programme devoted to its “personality,” one of the hidden aims of the project was to influence the political and social consciousness of Eastern Europe's Jewish youth.     

Military Invasion and Women's Political Representation

The bodies produced by the violent practice of suicide bombing are a source of horror and disgust. They are, in feminist psychoanalyst Julia Kristeva's concept, abject: that which defies borders and is expelled to create the self. As ‘abject bodies’, suicide bombers' bodies frustrate attempts at calculation and rational control of security risks, and, in their mutilated flesh, expose as unstable the idea of the body as a whole with clearly defined boundaries between inside and outside. Female suicide bombers, whose bodies are already considered ‘abject’, produce a politics of the body that exceeds narratives of victimhood, and whose very monstrosity symbolically threatens the foundations of the nation-state. Attempts at constructing subjects out of the mutilated bodily remains of victims and perpetrators of suicide bombings are key practices in the production of the state and gendered subjects. The practice of suicide bombing and efforts to recover and resignify bodies reveals how power molds and constitutes the border of the body and state simultaneously. The explosive body of the suicide bomber thus has destabilizing effects beyond the motivations of its perpetrators and exposes the political work necessary to maintain the illusion of secure, bounded bodies and states.     

Shifting Loyalties: Support for a Global State and Nationalism

It has been suggested that the increasing power and prominence of global organizations may be undermining the nation state as an organizational form. In an attempt to understand how these dynamics may play out at the individual level a sample of US social movement actors were surveyed to measure support for nationalism and support for the creation of a global state. Support for a global state is hypothesized to be negatively associated with support for national governments. Multivariate binary and ordinal logistic regressions show a number of demographic and attitudinal variables are positively associated with nationalism and, generally, are negatively associated with support for a global state.

Se ha sugerido que el creciente poder y la importancia de las organizaciones globales pueden estar debilitando la nación estado como una forma organizacional. En un intento para entender la manera como estas dinámicas pueden interpretarse a un nivel individual, se realizó una encuesta a una muestra de actores del movimiento social estadounidense para medir el respaldo al nacionalismo y el apoyo a la creación de un estado global. El respaldo a un estado global de estar asociado negativamente con el apoyo a los gobiernos nacionales, es una hipótesis. Las regresiones logísticas ordinales, binares y multivariantes, que muestran un número de variables demográficas y de actitud, están asociadas positivamente con el nacionalismo y generalmente asociadas negativamente con el respaldo a un estado global.

有观点认为,全球性组织日益增长的权力和声望可能正在动摇作为一种组织形式的民族国家的地位。为求了解这种动势如何在个人层面上演变,本文选取了美国社会运动参与者作为样本进行调查,测量其对国家主义的支持程度和对建立全球性国家的支持程度。本文的假设是,对全球性国家的支持与对各国政府的支持负相关。多元二进制逻辑回归分析和有序逻辑回归分析结果显示,若干人口和态度变量与支持国家主义正相关,与支持全球性国家负相关。

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