构建和谐铁路路风系统的理性选择

铁路路风是指铁路的行业风气,是铁路企业和铁路职工经营管理素质、理想纪律素养、职业道德风貌的外在表现,反映铁路企业管理水平和职工精神面貌的综合指标。铁路路风质量的优劣,集中反映在铁路运输产品——旅客和货物的位移质量上。运输产品的全部质量特征包括安全、准确、舒适、迅速、经济、便利和文明服务等诸多方面。旅客和货主就是根据这些来全面判断路风质量优劣的。必须从整体上对路风质量实行全面控制,不能顾此失彼。     

南京国民政府公务员考选制度的近代化意义

南京国民政府公务员考选制度是中国历史上第一个准现代化的人事考试制度,考选人才方面既吸收了古代考试的公平精神又采纳了西方文官考试的先进理念,具备了近代化的特征。从人才的选拔看具备了公平性,但体制的缺陷使其任用的成效不尽人意,阻碍了它近代化的进程。     

司法化:我国行政复议制度重构之根本

行政复议司法化是孕育于西方国家行政审查制度之理论和实践基础之上的一种改革模式。分析我国行政复议制度的现状及困惑,介绍英国、韩国及台湾地区对行政复议制度进行司法化改革的成功经验,提出促进我国行政复议制度重构的一些设想。     

预备立宪时期清政府的政体选择

预备立宪时期,在一部分官僚立宪派的推动下,清政府起初选择了日本式的二元君主制度政体,但后来由于形势的变化不得不向议会君主制政体转轨.就当时中国的情形而言,选择二元君主制政体有其历史的合理性.而议会君主制政体尽管是西方长期以来一种行之有效的制度设计,但对当时的中国而言却很难说是最佳的政体选择.     

民族记忆传承视域下藏族档案文献遗产资源体系构建研究——以西藏自治区档案馆为例

藏族档案文献资源体系的构建,对改善馆藏藏族档案文献资源结构,做好资源建设工作有推进作用。论文分析藏族档案文献资源建设存在问题,阐释资源体系构建理论依据、实践基础和现实意义,提出资源体系构建框架与实践应用建议。这一资源体系的构建,有利于开展藏族档案文献资源体系化建设,完整构建、保护与传承这一珍贵藏族记忆。     

户籍类型与城乡居民医疗服务利用 ——基于Andersen模型的经验分析

本文利用中国社会科学院经济研究所2018年城乡居民入户调查数据,从户籍改革角度分析户口类型改变对城乡居民医疗服务利用的影响。研究发现:与户口类型未发生改变的城乡居民相比,户口类型发生过改变(农转非)的城乡居民门急诊服务利用的可能性更高,住院医疗服务支出水平更低。从户籍改革与参保类型交互效应看,相对于户口类型未发生过改变的居民医保参保人群,户口类型发生改变(农转非)会显著提高居民医保参保人群门急诊服务利用,同时降低其住院服务利用。进一步采用PSM方法进行稳健性检验,户籍改革对提高城乡居民门急诊服务利用,降低住院医疗服务利用的结论依然成立。此外,本文还发现,直接结算提高了城乡居民门急诊和住院的就诊概率;健康自评状况越差,门急诊和住院医疗服务利用可能性越高,门急诊医疗支出、住院医疗支出和跨省异地就医支出也越高。本文认为,相对于推行基层分级诊疗制度,以户籍改革推动农村居民自由流入医疗资源更丰富的城镇地区,改革基层卫生院制度,以及改变基层医疗服务提供激励机制,可能更有助于改善农村居民健康状况。     

HR转型背景下劳动关系与劳动法课程教学方法新探

2020年中共中央办公厅、国务院印发的《关于深化新时代教育督导体制机制改革的意见》,进一步推动了我国教育事业的改革和发展,也为HR转型背景下劳动关系与劳动法课程教学方法的改革提供了优良契机。基于此,文章介绍了HR转型与专业人才培养的关系,分析了HR转型对劳动关系与劳动法课程教学的影响,探究了HR转型背景下劳动关系与劳动法课程的教学现状,论述了HR转型背景下劳动关系与劳动法课程教学的创新路径。     

The performance of the income protection system for older adults in Ecuador and future challenges

The objective of this article is to analyse the performance of Ecuador’s pension system and the challenges it will face in the future. Over the last 13 years, the pension system has made significant advances in terms of coverage and adequacy. However, demographic ageing is straining the financial sustainability of the contributory scheme. In this context, a number of public policy areas are identified, in terms of parameters and structures, which, together with the expansion of non-contributory coverage, could provide a more equitable and sustainable scheme.     

The 2015 welfare reform of the National Basic Livelihood Security System in South Korea: Effects on economic outcomes

In July 2015, South Korea’s National Basic Livelihood Security System (NBLSS) was reformed for the purposes of eliminating welfare blind spots and reducing poverty. The reform is expected to affect the recipients’ economic behaviours and choices. In this study, we used changes in benefits and eligibility for the NBLSS under the customised benefit system to identify the effects of the change in the NBLSS on a proposed set of economic outcomes – income, labour supply, consumption, savings, poverty reduction. To estimate the effects, we used data from the 10th–12th waves of the Korea Welfare Panel Study and employed a difference‐in‐differences framework integrated with the propensity scores. We found that the NBLSS helps the poor to reduce financial and material hardships through income and consumption increments, but that it does not provide disincentives to the recipients from participating in the labour market or from saving.     

Toward a Viable Progressive Third Party in 2020 and Beyond1

Creating a strong, influential third party has been an abiding aspiration on the American left, and were this goal to be achieved, it could be a great boon to subordinate groups in the United States. Yet widespread doubts persist, even among progressives that this is desirable, and especially that it is possible. Here, I briefly review compelling reasons for thinking otherwise; I then consider in some depth the potential for starting to build a viable left third party leading up to and after the pivotal 2020 election. In doing so, I go beyond the existing literature on third parties, which has yet to reflect systematically on progressive third party prospects in this period. Specifically, I assess how the emerging political environment may shape left third-party building, and I evaluate ongoing and developing attempts by key groups engaged in that effort. I find a distinct tension between conditions encouraging progressives to reform versus abandon the Democratic Party, and I identify one alternative party-building tendency that seems most able to exploit the latter impulse due to its already established electoral viability. Last, I highlight relevant questions that remain for activists hoping to create an effective national left third party.