规则意识的社会政治依托--政治文明

规则意识的缺失并不是现在才有的,也不单单是某一领域的具体问题。培育和提高规则意识,必须依托于一定的社会政治文化环境,起关键作用的是政治文明的程度。只有政治文明的提高、民主参与的扩大、社会平等的提升,才会为培育和提高规则意识提供坚实的基础和适宜的土壤。     

江泽民政治伦理思想探析

以党的十六大提出“建设社会主义政治文明”为标志 ,江泽民的政治伦理思想逐步走向成熟。“以德治国”的行政理念 ,“三个代表”的价值标准 ,“永做人民公仆”的伦理德性等 ,构成了江泽民政治伦理思想的主要内容 ,并成为其伦理思想的一个重要组成部分。     

传统道德对政治文明建设的双重影响

传统道德中仁政爱民、重道尚义、立志与践履、克治与慎独的思想和品德等对执政党及其领导干部有积极的影响,同时,传统道德中官僚特权、宗法等级、重人治轻法治的思想和观念对执政党及其领导干部又有消极的影响。这种双重影响会导致党员干部执政能力的大小和执政水平的高低,进而直接推动或阻碍政治文明的发展进程。必须加强党员干部的思想道德教育,继承和发扬优秀的道德传统,反对和摒弃消极的道德传统,提高他们的思想道德素质,以利于政治文明建设。     

Democratic demand for a social Europe? Preferences of the European citizenry

Within the literature on European integration there is a widespread assumption that Europe is in need of intensified and more effective supranational social policy cooperation. However, on the political level it is doubtful whether such measures are welcomed by the national electorates. This article addresses this issue empirically by asking whether there is public demand for promoting greater European welfare policy cooperation and what are the determinants of such a demand. The data source used is the Eurobarometer survey 2000. A number of hypotheses dealing with socio-structural differences, the effects of welfare regime types, the subjective evaluation of the integration process and the role of identity will be scrutinised. Overall, the results indicate that at the attitudinal 'grass root' level there is no unequivocal support for a European welfare responsibility and that some fundamental cleavages are present. It is the regional and cultural aspects, especially, which turn out to be having an effect and to be influencing future political conflicts. A common European welfare arrangement, therefore, cannot be regarded as a solution to the problems the European Union is facing; rather it will raise new and severe problems of finding social and political support.     

一般信任模式的跨部门差异及其中介机制: 基于2010年中国综合社会调查的研究

本文基于“市场”与“国家再分配”两种不同制度环境的讨论,利用中国综合社会调查2010年的数据,运用倾向值匹配方法处理潜在的选择性误差,考察了不同部门中个体的一般信任水平。结果显示,相比私有部门（外资企业和私营企业）,在公共部门中工作的个体呈现了更高的一般信任水平。进一步的分析表明,政治参与水平和相对剥夺感作为中介于工作部门与一般信任水平之间的解释机制是显著的,在公共部门中工作的个体不仅在态度上对内在政治效能感有更高的认定,而且也能积极参与居委会社区的选举。这些特征极大提升了他们的一般信任水平。此外,公共部门中的个体在社会地位与经济地位上所持有的较低的相对剥夺感也有助于其建立更高的一般信任水平。     

新政治经济学视野下的党报经营改革

党报经营制度改革是传媒研究中的一个重要问题。在新政治经济学看来,党报经营制度改革的起因是制度供求不均衡,党报经营制度变迁的模式是诱致性制度变迁与强制性制度变迁的相互作用,党报经营制度变迁的轨迹表现为路径依赖。     

新形势下农村思想政治工作建设的实践探索

农村思想政治工作作为党的思想政治工作的重要组成部分,是贯彻落实党的十七届三中全会精神,推进当前和今后一个时期农村改革发展的总体思路,推动社会主义新农村建设的基础工程。通过对新形势下新农村思想工作面临的新情况进行分析研究,探讨新形势下农村思想政治工作的发展之路,促进农村工作全面发展。     

Responsive Government: The Diversity and Institutional Performance of Online Political Deliberation Systems

Along with innovation in ICT technology and the spread of the internet, the online network, through its “technological empowerment” of citizens and governments, has driven a series of institutional changes designed to promote government responsiveness. The global spread of online political deliberation is indeed an achievement of the internet-driven construction of responsive government. In recent years, the Chinese government has vigorously promoted online political deliberation, established virtual platforms to build bridges between netizens and public power, brought internet activism into institutional channels, and implemented political absorption and online consultation. Under the influence of policy initiatives and local innovations, China has created diversified response systems that strengthen the institutionalization of online political deliberation and thereby enable this system to play an active role in improving government capacity and regulating the relationship between the state and society. At present, China has seven types of online response: the Communist Party Committee-led mode, the mixed mode, the government-led mode and the modes led by the departments in charge of absorption, business, supervision departments, and petitioning. Empirical studies show that the diversity and degree of institutionalization of online political deliberation significantly affect institutional performance and that political authority and professionalism are important features that enable the different response systems to influence institutional performance. In short, the endogenous elements of the response system—level of institutionalization and institutional diversity—are key factors in institutional performance.     

多学科视角下的社会抗争研究

当前,中国社会抗争的性质、动因和治理问题形成了各具特色又相互关联的研究理路：社会抗争的社会学研究更多地从社会（结构）出发,研究社会结构、社会分层等因素对社会抗争的结构性影响;社会抗争的法学研究更多地从公民（主体）出发,研究公民权利维护和救济以及国家对社会抗争的法治;社会抗争的政治学研究侧重从国家和政府（制度）出发,以抗争政治学为理论范式,关注社会抗争的性质和治理。本文分析了社会抗争研究的三种理论路径,希望社会抗争治理研究上能形成合力。     

An Alternative Model of the Formation of Political Coalitions

Most models of the formation of political coalitions use either Euclidean spaces or rely purely on game theory. This limits their applicability. In this article, a single model is presented which is more broadly applicable. In principle any kind of set can be used as a policy space. The model is also able to incorporate different kinds of party motivations: both rent-seeking and idealism. The model uses party preferences and power to identify stable coalitions and predict government policy as well as to indicate which member of the opposition will be able to break up the governing coalition if no stable coalition exists. In the latter case it will also indicate on which issue the government is likely to split. Parties may have preferences over issues such as the composition of cabinet and/or the governing coalition as well as the more traditional issues of government formation. The model also provides a rationale for log-rolling.