对话的艺术--新时期高校大学生思想政治教育沟通刍议

当代大学生作为社会中的重要群体，他们需要与外界的交往，处理关系，如何建立，发展，巩固这种关系，就要靠沟通来完成。在高校中，针对大学生的思想政治教育过程就是一个如何与他们沟通的过程。面对当下个性彰显，不断追求新事物的年轻群体，怎样把握沟通的要素和形式，它有哪些特点和功能，遵循什么样的原则和策略，以及新时期下师生沟通过程中出现的障碍和问题，正是本文要探讨的内容。     

疾病防控与地域社会政治变迁——以余江血吸虫病防治为中心

1958年余江县在全国率先消灭血吸虫病，树立了全国“第一面血防红旗”，创造了世界血防奇迹。作为地域社会发生的重大历史事件，血防对余江县域政治演变产生了深刻影响。研究表明:高层领导对血防持续不断的关注和督促，为余江血防注入了源源不断的政治压力和政治变迁动力；历届县委、县政府都把血防作为“一把手工程”，视为“最大的政治”，使余江县域政治带有浓厚的“血防”色彩；县党政机构也发生相应变化，完成了血防领导机构的常规化和党政机构的血防化；余江是我国出台血防政令最多的县份之一，血防在余江县政治生活中占有极其重要的地位。血防塑造了余江地域政治特色，它使得余江县域政治带有明显的血防化特征。     

秦国赘婿法律地位辨疑

秦国赘婿法律地位并非一直低下。秦立法剥夺其立户、受田宅等权利,强制其从军,始于秦统一六国后,直接原因为军事需要,深层次原因为文化认同、政治合法性建构的需要。     

从学理到实践:爱国主义定义的结构性解析

如何界定爱国主义这一定义一直是学术界讨论的问题。《〈中共中央宣传部教育部关于进一步加强和改进高等学校思想政治理论课的意见〉实施方案》实施后,《思想道德修养与法律基础》教材不再运用列宁关于爱国主义的定义,而用了一个新的定义。科学地理解爱国主义不仅是爱国主义本质的内在要求,而且是理性爱国主义教育的前提。从“非人民群众”的爱国情感、“祖国”与“国家”的关系、爱国主义“理性”与“非理性”的关系三个角度进行探讨,认为社会主义国家应倡导理性爱国主义。     

思想自觉与制度规范：保持党员干部清正廉洁的两个基本维度

遏制腐败，保持清正廉洁，是化解执政危险的必然要求。保持清正廉洁需要党员干部发挥主观能动性，加强自我修养，经得起来自权力、制度漏洞、利益、贪欲等多方面的考验。当然，由于人类谋求私利的本性，决定了靠人的自我修养并不能完全克服掌权者利用公权谋求私利的倾向，因此，防止腐败，还要加强制度规范的外部约束，完善制度体系建设，减少诱发腐败的“灰色地带”，做到“伸手必被捉”。     

Action,Technology, and the Homogenisation of Place: Why Climate Change is Antithetical to Political Action

According to Hannah Arendt, the concept of ‘political action’ is a fundamental component of the human condition because it encapsulates how the uniqueness of each human being intersects to create unpredictable political initiatives and effects. Recently, despite being one of the most daunting political challenges ever faced by humanity, there has been a noted collective action failure, or inaction, concerning the global threat of anthropogenic climate change. Why? This article seeks to explain this political inaction in a new way: by examining the metaphysical role that technology plays in disclosing the climate as a thinkable and global object. After applying the philosophy of Martin Heidegger to the complex mathematical general circulation models (GCMs) used by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), this article details how the metaphysics underlying GCMs manifests the perceivable world by ‘enframing’ it, or by implicitly representing subjects, objects, and Nature itself, as a predictable, calculable, and orderable relation of static forces. When this metaphysical and mathematical uniformity constructs the climate as a calculable object that is globalised through the IPCC, it is ultimately found to be contradictory to the distinctness and unpredictability necessary for distinct human action to occur. Paradoxically, therefore, political action is argued to be metaphysically antithetical to the technologically enframed science, politics, and discourse, of global climate change itself. The importance of distinct and plural human places, when filtered through GCMs, becomes subsumed by the climate as a homogenous, calculative, and politically inactive, global object.     

Partners,Institutions and International Currencies: The International Political Foundations for the Rise of the Renminbi

The use of an international currency is not just a natural market phenomenon; it relies heavily on international political foundations. The historical lessons of the four major international currencies—the pound, dollar, euro and yen—show that a strong partner network and a favorable international institutional environment are the two major political foundations for the formation of a stable international currency. The rise of the renminbi, as a late starter looking to become a major international currency, depends not only on the requisite economic conditions but on governmental diplomacy aimed at attracting more monetary cooperation partners and creating international institutions that support its worldwide use. This strategy reinforces the political foundations for the rise of the renminbi. Building a network of partners supporting the renminbi as an international currency and creating a system of international monetary institutions are the real tests of the issuing country’s political leadership. This political leadership capacity has three dimensions: public trust founded on reputation building; a centripetal force driven by provision of benefits; and coercive force applied through sanctions. Comparatively speaking, the renminbi is still in the early stage of its ascent, so the development of its political infrastructure should concentrate mainly on gaining public trust through reputation-building and employing centripetal force involving provision of benefits.     

公民教育：现代思想政治教育的新思路

在现代化进程中,随着公民教育的产生与思想政治教育的转型,加强公民教育成为社会主义民主政治建设的一项基础工程,是现代政治民主化和现代思想政治教育发展的内在必然,也是科学发展观的根本要求。公民教育契合了现代思想政治教育的核心价值,是现代思想政治教育理念创新、内容拓展、功能优化的新思路。     

Social Psychology,Consumer Culture and Neoliberal Political Economy

Consumer culture and neoliberal political economy are often viewed by social psychologists as topics reserved for anthropologists, economists, political scientists and sociologists. This paper takes an alternative view arguing that social psychology needs to better understand these two intertwined institutions as they can both challenge and provide a number of important insights into social psychological theories of self‐identity and their related concepts. These include personality traits, self‐esteem, social comparisons, self‐enhancement, impression management, self‐regulation and social identity. To illustrate, we examine how elements of consumer culture and neoliberal political economy intersect with social psychological concepts of self‐identity through three main topics: ‘the commodification of self‐identity’, ‘social categories, culture and power relations’ and the ‘governing of self‐regulating consumers’. In conclusion, we recommend a decommodified approach to research with the aim of producing social psychological knowledge that avoids becoming enmeshed with consumer culture and neoliberalism.     

后危机时代美国政治民主异化的主要表现

经过了全球金融危机的强烈冲击，世界经济开始缓慢复苏，随之进入后危机时代。但在经历了危机的冲击之后，美国政治民主却走到了难以为继的地步，开始出现明显的异化，表现为金钱与选票的夹击使社会变革举步维艰；恶性竞争的政党政治使社会族群对立撕裂；过度的自由和权利使社会凝聚度大大降低；意识形态的对抗使政治民主难以进步。通过分析将给中国的民主建设一些有益的启示与思考。