加强高校贫困生的思想政治教育工作

高校贫困生是一个社会热点问题,他们的学习状况,生活状况及心理状况令人堪忧,加强高校贫困生的思想政治教育已刻不容缓,高校在给予贫困生物质帮助的同时,精神帮助同等重要,只有这样,才能双管齐下,高校贫困生将不再“贫困”。     

“经济人”理念下的中国行政伦理建设

追求利益最大化是"经济人"的特征.这种"经济人"理念的植入并内化是我国改革开放、建立社会主义市场经济的必然结果,是现代社会进步的表现.但基于"经济人"追求最大化利益的倾向,其在行政领域的适用,引发了行政人恪守行政伦理的困厄:追求自身利益与代表公共利益的矛盾;对上负责与回应民众的矛盾;为政绩而政绩的"政治作秀".笔者以为,"经济人"理念下的行政伦理建设必须从转变观念、引入市场竞争机制、制度伦理等层面入手.     

论现代科技创新的社会环境

现代科技创新不仅仅是单个个人的分散活动，更是一种社会性的协作活动。因此，要有效地进行现代科技创新就必须具有适宜的社会环境。这种社会环境主要涉及三方面因素：一是社会需要。它为科技创新提出目标任务，提供精神动力，并为科技创新成果的推广提供条件。二是良好稳定的政治环境。良好的政治环境可以保障科技人员的合法地位和人身安全，保证科技人员的丰富资源，凸现高效率的科技社会建制，提供有力的财政支持。三是人文因素。它主要包括伦理道德、传统、宗教，社会学科中的文学、艺术、哲学、历史等。这三方面因素相互作用，共同构成科技创新的社会环境。     

于湖词与庄子美学精神

南宋词人张孝祥的于湖词汲取庄子美学精神,其内涵表现为:对庄子"逍遥游"之旨的追求;于湖词风的旷放傲岸充溢着对主体价值的崇高体认;具有顺应自然、养生怡情的生命意识.庄子的艺术精神造就了张孝祥于湖词独特的美学风貌.     

论高校思想政治理论课的历史教育方法取向

高校思想政治理论课目标的实现,必须坚持历史唯物主义的价值立场,把历史教育方法作为基本方法。通过对历史教育方法科学内涵的阐述和其作为基本方法的缘由论证,指出运用历史资源及其方法原理实现思政教育主体与客体之间双向沟通的作用,充分利用和发掘历史资源的育人功能,让大学生把握知识源流,强化历史认同,构筑理想信念根基。教学中要以多样化的教学载体创建为有效路径,改进和提升高校思想政治理论课教学的实际效果。     

诗艺的讲究：卞之琳论诗断简考释

文章对卞之琳在20世纪40年代在《燕京新闻》发表过两封论诗的书简及发表的情况略作钩沉,并对书简中所谈及的卞之琳译介里尔克、霍斯曼诗作的情况略作说明,由此对卞之琳围绕刘芃如所译霍斯曼诗作的音韵问题以及另一位收信人所问及的写诗的素养等问题,就诗的音乐性及诗的格律、读诗的方法等问题所做的表述加以分析,力求揭示其讲究诗艺的艺术追求背后,试图通过译诗来为中国现代白话新诗的写作提供借鉴和参考并以格律的创建来推动中国现代白话新诗的发展这一持久的诗学理想所具有的重要意义。     

主题教育法在大学生思想政治教育中的运用

主题教育法是我国大学生思想政治教育的有效方法,有助于指引大学生的思想、凝聚大学生的情感、规范大学生的行为。经过多年的实践探索,主题教育法在具体运用中取得了良好的效果,但同时也存在着前瞻性不够、实施方式不活、品牌意识不强等方面的问题。解决这些问题的关键在于根据国家目标、学校精神和学生特点,积极优化大学生思想政治教育中主题教育法运用的原则、步骤和艺术。     

废名对古典诗传统中“想象”的再发现

废名在重新考察古典诗传统时重新发现了“想象”的重要性,并重新发现了梦、典故的联串、自由联想等想象方式,这正是废名自身诗歌建设经验的折射,形成了对古典诗传统中想象力量的再发现,也启示了新诗自身的建设,是对“五四”以来一直占据主流位置并且同一时代仍在盛行的写实倾向的反拨。     

Dancing Ourselves to Death: The Subject of Emma Goldman's Nietzschean Anarchism

Abstract

This article draws together two lively and provocative radical theorists, Emma Goldman and Friedrich Nietzsche, and suggests that a reading at their intersections can inspire political thought, action, and resistance in particular ways. The argument is framed through and productive of a particular archetype which emerges from a reading of these thinkers, that of The Dancer. Both Goldman and Nietzsche have been noted for their affect-laden reflections on dance, as an image of the subject which evades capture within the frameworks of discipline, morality, and ressentiment and which instead commits to a ceaseless and creative insurrection of- and- against the self. Here, I argue that through this image of The Dancer we can conceptualise a form of critical or anarchic subjectivity which can provocatively interpret and inspire radical political action. In the article I look at some of the ways in which dance has formed an important component of radical politics. However I also argue that dance as understood in the terms established through Goldman and Nietzsche moves beyond corporeal performance, indicating a more general ethos of the subject, one of perpetual movement, creativity, and auto-insurrection. I also reflect on the difficulties involved in the idea of ‘self-creation’; as we can see from the more problematic dimensions of Goldman's thought, creation is an ethically and ontologically ambiguous concept which, when affirmed too easily, can serve to mask the subtleties by which relations of domination persist. With this in mind, the article goes on to discuss what it might mean to ‘dance to death’, to negotiate the burden of transvaluation, limitless responsibility, and perpetual struggle which these two thinkers evoke, in the service of a creative and limitless radical political praxis.     

World Culture,Uncoupling, Institutional Logics,and Recoupling: Practices and Self‐Identification as Institutional Microfoundations of Political Violence

This study proposes a micro‐institutional theory of political violence, according to which citizens' participation in political violence is partially an outcome of tight coupling of persons' practices and self‐identifications with institutional logics opposed to dominant logics associated with world culture, such as the nation‐state and gender equality. The study focuses on two types of institutional carriers through which persons adopt institutional logics: routine practices and self‐identifications associated with three institutional logics: the familial, the ethnic, and the religious logics. Using a 15‐country survey data from early twenty‐first‐century sub‐Saharan Africa, the study finds evidence in support of the theory. Reported participation in political violence is associated with practices and self‐identifications uncoupled from dominant world‐culture logics but tightly coupled with the patriarchal familial logic, with an oppositional ethnic logic, and with a politicized oppositional religious logic.