美的教育与高校思想政治工作

在高校思想政治工作中,美的教育可以起到开发智力、道德感化、人生导向等作用.在思想政治工作中善于运用美的教育,创造美的环境、展现美的人格、追求美的方法,对于增强思想政治工作的吸引力,提高思想政治工作的成效具有积极意义.     

论新时期网络参政与中国民主政治发展

新时期网络参政对中国民主政治发展促进作用将更加明显,是有中国特色民主政治发展的重要内容之一。网络参政的作用已经引起了党和国家领导人的重视,地方党和政府的负责人也逐渐注意到网络参政的实际意义,其作用主要体现在：促进参与式民主的发展;促进传统集权等级制权力结构的转换;促进社会平等;促进政治、政府公开的发展;促进选民与人大代表的沟通;促进公民政治社会化的加强。网络参政还是把双刃剑,应该加强规范和管理。     

导致科技异化的政治、经济、观念因素

科学与技术在其发展的历程中对人、社会和自然界表现出了巨大的功能,同时也带来了人类无数的问题。高科技的发展带动了经济的飞速发展,却又在破坏着人类居住的家园,产生环境污染、温室效应、能源危机等问题。在高科技最发达的国家,它没有用来维护和促进和平事业,却反而成了推行霸权主义的手段。文章试着从政治、经济和人类的观念三个角度对导致科技异化的根源进行探讨。     

Hard and Soft Commitments to Human Rights Treaties, 1966–20001

What factors determine whether and how deeply countries will commit to the international human rights regime? Using data for up to 142 countries between 1966 and 2000, this article analyzes patterns of membership to the International Human Rights Covenants. The analysis produced two main conclusions. First, the potential costs associated with joining a treaty, rather than its substantive content, motivates the decision to join. Treaties that protect different rights but establish comparable implementation mechanisms exhibit similar patterns of membership, whereas treaties that protect identical rights but establish different implementation provisions exhibit dissimilar patterns of membership. Second, rates of treaty membership differ by level of commitment. Countries that sign human rights treaties differ from countries that ratify. Results are interpreted with respect to four theories of commitment and compliance: realism, liberalism, constructivism, and sociological institutionalism. Theories that emphasize the importance of a treaty’s costs (realism and institutionalism) fare better than theories that prioritize a treaty’s content (liberalism and constructivism).     

Uneven and combined development and sub-imperialism: the internationalization of Brazilian capital

This paper examines the political-economic outgrowth of Brazilian capitalism in the global south after the outset of the global financial crisis. In analysing the public-sector finance policy of the Workers’ Party (PT) during the crisis, I argue that a structuration of investment was established. Utilizing theoretical premises of uneven and combined development and sub-imperialism, this paper traces the motions of the industrial financing processes that perpetuate Brazilian capitalism outside of the boundaries of the nation-state to shed light on the relationship between ‘emergent’ economies, their state structures, and the developing world. I argue that such structures represent a policy to accelerate capital accumulation abroad.     

Just another brick in the wall? The relationship between classroom-based political education and the political interest of young adults in Switzerland

This article asks whether political education at upper secondary school – i.e. shortly before or at the age when young people receive the right to vote – affects individual political interest as well as differences in political interest between social groups. Empirically, we use a novel data set combining individual student data with information on classroom-based political education as well as teacher characteristics. We do not find support for a more or less automatic and positive effect of classroom-based political education on young people’s political interest. Whereas we analyzed three dimensions of political education (knowledge, skills, arousing interest in politics), the skills dimension was the only one that exhibited a consistent positive (and mostly significant) relationship with young peoples’ political interest. Moreover, classroom-based political education seems not to compensate for a lack of political socialization at home but rather tends to affect students with politically interested parents most strongly.     

The echo chamber is overstated: the moderating effect of political interest and diverse media

ABSTRACT

In a high-choice media environment, there are fears that individuals will select media and content that reinforce their existing beliefs and lead to segregation based on interest and/or partisanship. This could lead to partisan echo chambers among those who are politically interested and could contribute to a growing gap in knowledge between those who are politically interested and those who are not. However, the high-choice environment also allows individuals, including those who are politically interested, to consume a wide variety of media, which could lead them to more diverse content and perspectives. This study examines the relationship between political interest as well as media diversity and being caught in an echo chamber (measured by five different variables). Using a nationally representative survey of adult internet users in the United Kingdom (N?=?2000), we find that those who are interested in politics and those with diverse media diets tend to avoid echo chambers. This work challenges the impact of echo chambers and tempers fears of partisan segregation since only a small segment of the population are likely to find themselves in an echo chamber. We argue that single media studies and studies which use narrow definitions and measurements of being in an echo chamber are flawed because they do not test the theory in the realistic context of a multiple media environment.     

国家的策略性:农业技术变迁中的政治因素——基于一个少数民族案例的研究

冬小麦推广是20世纪70年代西藏现代化的主要成就,小麦从少有种植一跃成为西藏第二大作物。令人困惑的是,藏族农民最初曾强烈抵制小麦,两三年后却又成了国家政策的积极实践者。在此过程中,国家如何消解农民的抵制,怎样改造他们的观念?基于档案和口述史材料,本文认为政治运动发挥了关键作用：第一,广泛开展的阶级斗争打击了对新技术的抵制,分化了基层社会,农民间的相互监督使"弱者的武器"成为不可能;第二,政治运动具有思想改造和情感动员功能,它将小麦塑造成解放的象征,激发了农民的政治认同和实践热情。但是,政治运动对生产也有一定负作用,冬小麦推广在20世纪70年代后期走上了"盲信政治、无视现实"的歧途即与此有关。     

The Diffusion of Tolerance: Birth Cohort Changes in the Effects of Education and Income on Political Tolerance

Political tolerance—the willingness to extend civil liberties to traditionally stigmatized groups—is pivotal to the functioning of democracy and the well‐being of members of stigmatized groups. Although political tolerance has traditionally been more common among American elites, we argue that as tolerance has increased, it has also diffused to less educated and less affluent segments of the population. The relative stability of political attitudes over the life course and the socialization of more recent birth cohorts in contexts of increased tolerance suggest that this diffusion of tolerance occurs across birth cohorts rather than time periods. Using age‐period‐cohort models and more than three and a half decades of repeated cross‐sectional survey data, we find persistent and robust across‐cohort declines in the importance of both income and higher education in determining levels of political tolerance. Declines in the effects of socioeconomic status are evident with tolerance toward all five out‐groups in the analysis—anti‐religionists, gays and lesbians, communists, militarists, and racists—but to varying degrees. These findings fit with a model of changes in public opinion, particularly views of civil and political rights, through processes of cultural diffusion and cohort replacement.     

The U.S. Economic Polity,Social Identity,and International Human Rights

In this essay, I provide some complementary perspectives on certain themes that emerge in Judith Blau's (2016) timely and insightful article, “Human Rights: What the United States Might Learn from the Rest of the World and, Yes, from American Sociology.” In response, I offer some very brief reflections structured through two prisms by which we might think further about the United States and human rights. These perspectives pick up on the core issue of Blau's article, the U.S. rejection of socioeconomic rights, and how this issue in turn relates first to the “social identity” of the United States as a whole, and second to the role of the political economy in states' recognition of human rights.