论文化建设与城市可持续发展

在市场逻辑的背景下,城市化变成物化的单线过程,精神上的城市化却被忽略了。客观分析文化建设的问题和不足,积极探索文化建设的有效途径,才能推动城市可持续发展。     

法治的政治基础

因为行政权力因素在国家和社会关系中的支配地位,所以民众凭借对行政权力本能的信任共识去服从统治,放逐了法治,从而使得行政权力因素成为法治在中国面临种种困境的根本原因。只有通过削弱行政权力因素在国家和社会生活中的支配性地位,进行行政体制改革,才有可能真正实现法治。     

Consistency of minimizing a penalized density power divergence estimator for mixing distribution

In this paper, we study the MDPDE (minimizing a density power divergence estimator), proposed by Basu et al. (Biometrika 85:549–559, 1998), for mixing distributions whose component densities are members of some known parametric family. As with the ordinary MDPDE, we also consider a penalized version of the estimator, and show that they are consistent in the sense of weak convergence. A simulation result is provided to illustrate the robustness. Finally, we apply the penalized method to analyzing the red blood cell SLC data presented in Roeder (J Am Stat Assoc 89:487–495, 1994). This research was supported (in part) by KOSEF through Statistical Research Center for Complex Systems at Seoul National University.     

Monitoring the complexities: Nuclear power and public opinion

Interaction between organizations and stakeholders today takes place on virtual and physical ‘issue arenas’. This study examined opinions on nuclear power and asked who are the players discussing nuclear power in Finland? Through content analysis, surveys and interviews, the study concluded that politicians, power companies and regulators were the ones with voice, as NGOs and citizens were hardly heard. The paper suggests the future role of PR practitioners to be to find the right issue arenas and facilitate corporate voice and reputation on those arenas.     

Europe’s Role in China’s Transition to Superpower Status

What can Western powers do today to ease an eventual global power shift resulting from the rise of superpowers such as China? This paper suggests that part of the answer lies in the same power-binding institutions that allowed the US to rise post WWII without threatening its allies. Continuity in the rules of the global system during a great power transition would promote stability by reducing uncertainty, as well as the extent to which material power can be used coercively. I argue that current superpowers, the EU among them, have an interest in ensuring an equitable distribution of the gains from cooperation. While distributional issues are usually treated in normative terms, they take on very real, material meaning in the context of a great power transition. With this in mind, I look at three aspects of the current global institutional framework that would benefit from reform: international trade and aid, institutional design, and institutional proliferation. In all three cases, a more equal distribution of the gains from institutions today increases the odds that those institutional arrangements will remain in the future.     

国家中心城市文化软实力评价研究——以港京沪津穗城市为例

城市文化软实力是城市综合竞争力巨系统下的子系统,由文化核心价值水平、城市制度健全程度、城市政府管理效率及创新、城市国际化水平、城市文化中心影响力等指标组成。本文对港京沪津穗五大国家中心城市的文化软实力进行了分析,并就城市如何提升文化软实力提出了建议。     

司法附属行政语境下的中国古代法官地位

“司法附属行政”是中国古代司法的一个重要特征。在这一背景下,中国古代法官地位就呈现出鲜明的附属性特征,这种特征同样体现在法院的地位和司法权的地位上,这也导致中国古代法官没有专门的职业保障制度,而这一切都深深地镶嵌在当时的人治大背景之中。通过与现代法官地位的比较,可以更加深切地感受到古今法官地位以至整个司法状况的巨大差异。中国现代法官地位在独立性方面相对于古代法官有了巨大改善,但仍然不尽如人意,还需要在今后的司法改革中进行反思和重点关注。     

Young people’s perceptions of power and influence as a basis for understanding contemporary citizenship

Persistent simplistic binary discourses of young people’s citizenship portray them either as civically deficit and disengaged citizens or the creators of new democratic modes and approaches. This paper draws on field research with two groups of young people in Australia to better recognise the nuance of young people’s experiences of citizenship, power and influence. The study investigated the extent to which different groups of young people believe that they have the power to influence society; the ways in which they seek this influence; the current barriers to their influence; and what would enable them to have greater influence. Our analysis in this paper draws on Lukes’ concepts of power [2005. Power: A Radical View. 2nd ed. London: Palgrave Macmillan] and Arvanitakis’ framework of citizenship engagement and empowerment [in Arvanitakis, J., and E. Sidoti. 2011. “The Politics of Change: Where to for Young People and Politics.” In Their Own Hands: Can Young People Change Australia?, edited by L. Walsh and R. Black, 11–20. Melbourne: ACER Press], but also builds on an emerging scholarship concerned with the geographic dimensions of young people’s citizenship engagement and action, as well as with the affective, relational and temporal dimensions of this engagement and action. Our findings suggest that power works in different ways to both constrain and liberate young people as citizens – sometimes at the same time. The paper concludes with an argument for the continuing need to understand young people’s lived and located experiences of engagement, power and influence in more nuanced and sophisticated ways. This includes reframing the discussion about young people’s experiences in terms of the nature of their democratic engagement and action rather than simply their citizenship.     

Statistical test based on intuitionistic fuzzy hypotheses

In this paper, the classical statistical test based on intuitionistic fuzzy hypotheses in relation to the underlying population parametric is extended. In this approach, the type-I, type-II, power of test, and p-value are extended for intuitionistic fuzzy hypotheses. Throughout the paper, some applied examples are provided for both parametric and non parametric cases to clarify the discussions.     

The Nature of the Political Reconsidered

I present an immanent, and explanatory, critique of reflections on the nature of politics and of power within political science. I argue that these reflections are problematic, to the extent that they presuppose an actualist conception of the political, and that this is generated by an empiricist way of thinking on the one hand and a constructivist way of thinking on the other. I show how re‐defining politics, power, and the political on the basis of a dialectical critical realist ontology resolves these problems and, thereby, allows us to understand the conditions for social change and the relationship between the political and the economic. My argument has two, important implications: first, that the proposal that those who study politics professionally should celebrate philosophical diversity is dangerous–at least if it makes it difficult to sustain a distinct, emancipatory form of political inquiry; and, second, that the nature of social reality justifies the need both for specialized forms of inquiry, such as politics and economics, and integrative forms of inquiry, such as political economy.