游客高聚集场所：概念、特征、风险与研究议题

随着大众旅游时代的到来,出游人数激增,极易形成高度聚集的游客群,而高聚集的游客群难控难疏,易导致安全事故发生。加强和完善游客高聚集场所的安全管理已成为旅游管理部门一项紧迫而重要的任务。本文主要以国内外政策法规中关于人员密集场所、公共聚集场所的表述为出发点,结合已有研究成果,借鉴人员密集场所的定义,界定“游客高聚集场所”的概念,并就游客高聚集场所的特征进行了讨论;在此基础上,分析了游客高聚集场所面临的风险类型及其相关诱发因素;最后,根据现有人员密集场所的研究进展提出了游客高聚集场所的相关研究议题。     

粮食生产水足迹动态演变及分解效应

基于水足迹方法构建粮食生产水资源匹配指数,从用水总量、来源结构和粮水匹配关系三个方面分析粮食生产用水的动态演变特征,并采用LMDI模型将粮食生产用水变动分解为9类效应,研究结果表明:粮食生产水足迹变动经历小幅下降——快速回升——企稳上升三个阶段,粮水匹配度较差且矛盾趋于激化。从分解效应看,三产结构调整和节水技术进步是减少粮食生产用水的主要因素,但种植结构调整以及用水效率改善未发挥预期节水效果,粮水匹配关系恶化、水土资源贫乏及二者匹配度较差均不利于缓解农业用水压力。     

再议规模经营中的粮食安全问题:争议回应与政策启示

在既定资源约束下实现粮食产出最大化是粮食生产安全的核心。而今旨在提升粮食竞争力的农业规模经营虽得到政府力推,却并非保障国家粮食安全的充分条件。在梳理规模经营与粮食安全保障相关争论的基础上,结合调研资料,依次回应了规模经营后农地是否大概率用于种粮、规模经营是否可持续以及规模经营能否保障粮食产量三个焦点问题。研究发现,与小农经营相比,规模经营与种植结构“非粮化”虽无必然联系,却存在规模经济不显著及单产提升乏力等问题。对此,一方面应强化小农扶持力度,巩固维系小农群体的粮食保障功能;另一方面应调整规模经营主体的政策干预结构,除非在规模经济与土地产出率不一致的情形下,应最大化避免对规模经营主体的直接干预,降低政策的扭曲效应,推动规模经济实现。     

试论文学生产方式理论

西方马克思主义美学家坚持经济基础对文学的影响。本雅明从艺术的生产力和艺术生产关系的矛盾入手,开创了艺术生产理论的先河;伊格尔顿提出了文学生产方式理论,认为文学艺术是意识形态的再生产;马歇雷认为文学和意识形态的缝隙透视出文学的意蕴。发展文学生产方式理论,对当代中国的文艺实践有重要的价值和意义。     

国家投资科研项目成果的知识产权归属探讨

通过对国家投资产生的科研成果现状的分析以及与国外的相关政策的对比,讨论在不同的情况下,有可能发生的知识产权归属争议;其次,讨论在职务发明、非职务发明、有合同约定、没有约定等情况下怎样理顺权属关系。并对今后知识产权在归属方面的发展趋势作了较为深入的探讨。国家的法律或者政策应该在有效地处理和化解来自各方的权属 纠纷和矛盾,充分调动国家、集体和个人的积极性,鼓励在知识经济条件下努力创造出更多、更有价值的知识产权方面,发挥更大的作用。     

民间动物造型艺术与民俗活动

民间动物造型不仅是一种民间美术,更是于广阔的社会生活层面上显示的一种民间文化现象.它的存在和发展与丰富的民俗活动紧密联系着,本文主要分析了民间动物造型艺术与生产民俗、人生礼仪民俗、信仰民俗和装饰游艺民俗的关系.     

马克思主义政治经济学研究对象探析

任何一种理论的产生都来源于实践,任何一种理论的价值都在于指导实践.诞生于十九世纪三、四十时年代,成熟于十九世纪七十时年代并充分反映"资本主义生产方式以及和它相适应的生产关系和交换关系"的马克思主义政治经济学也面临着时代所赋予的挑战.在坚持马克思主义政治经济学理论的基本框架的前提下,马克思主义政治经济学研究对象的内容应扩大化、深化和细化,以适应社会发展的需要.     

利益分割时期的安全事故与政府改进问题

政府在事故预防和处置中居于主导地位.心理学的"华生模式"和"皮亚杰模式"实现"社会学转向",可用以分析政府的责任问题.而安全事故的"强刺激"和"弱刺激"对政府改进效应是不同的.中国当前社会转型中逐步出现了城乡、单位、地方之间而主要表现为阶层之间的利益分割局面.因而政府的责任一方面不仅仅在于对某一事故的"强刺激"进行反应性改进,更应该在于包括"弱刺激"在内逐步把内化以人为本的责任伦理和信念伦理结合起来,对事故进行事前预知和防范,同时另一方面需要抑制精英阶层对整个社会利益的割据,保障社会底层的安全权益,引导底层进行安全维权,乃至抗争上层"官商秩序(结构)"的利益勾结,打破"资(方)强劳(方)弱"、"上(层)强下(层)弱"结构,从消极的"华生模式"转向积极反应的"皮亚杰模式",不断提升政府效率,保障个体生命安全和社会安全.     

Designing out vulnerability, building in respect: violence, safety and sex work policy

One recent finding about the prostitution market is the differences in the extent and nature of violence experienced between women who work on the street and those who work from indoor sex work venues. This paper brings together extensive qualitative fieldwork from two cities in the UK to unpack the intricacies in relation to violence and safety for indoor workers. Firstly, we document the types of violence women experience in indoor venues noting how the vulnerabilities surrounding work-based hazards are dependent on the environment in which sex is sold. Secondly, we highlight the protection strategies that indoor workers and management develop to maintain safety and order in the establishment. Thirdly, we use these empirical findings to suggest that violence should be a high priority on the policy agenda. Here we contend that the organizational and cultural conditions that seem to offer some protection from violence in indoor settings could be useful for informing the management of street sex work. Finally, drawing on the crime prevention literature, we argue that it is possible to go a considerable way to designing out vulnerability in sex work, but not only through physical and organizational change but building in respect for sex workers rights by developing policies that promote the employment/human rights and citizenship for sex workers. This argument is made in light of the Coordinated Prostitution Strategy.     

Resolutions: Working with Families Where Responsibility for Abuse is Denied

Current thinking suggests that little productive work can be undertaken with families where serious physical or sexual abuse of children has occurred in the absence of a clear acceptance of responsibility for that abuse. This means that children are often removed from their families because of the perceived risks, with the disadvantages that being looked after in local authority care often brings. Alternatively, children may be left in the same environment where serious abuse has taken place with little or no work being undertaken with the family. Either approach fails children, especially those who have made clear and believable allegations in the hope of bringing about a process of change and protection. This article describes the work of a pilot project at the Avon NSPCC in Bristol working with families where the alleged abuser disputes responsibility for maltreating the child. Key to this approach is the support of the non-abusing carer and the child/ren while the concerns of the professional agencies are addressed. The work has two main phases. The first looks for structural change in the organization of family life. The second part asks carers to role-play a ‘similar’ hypothetical family where child abuse has been established. This enables difficult issues raised by the abuse to be addressed and provides an opportunity for carers to express thoughts and feelings to their partner regarding abuse without the seriousness of the concerns being lost.