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31.
自决权先后呈现出种族化、非殖化、集体人权三种历史形态。自决权从来就不具有一种既定的内涵与模式,它的产生、发展与演变与国际社会历史走向和现实基础密不可分。自决权也不应再局限于传统观念,而应该结合构建和谐世界的需要而有所更新。维护民族关系的正义性是自决权的主要诉由,自决权本质上是一种包含内外两个面相的集体人权。行使自决权可能导致分离,但分离需要遵守一定的前提条件。  相似文献   
32.
ABSTRACT

Drawing on interviews with thirty-two black British professionals, and ethnographic work in middle-class cultural spaces across London, this paper asks ‘How do the black middle-class use cultural consumption for anti-racism?’ I argue that the black middle-class contest the racial hierarchy at three levels through their cultural consumption: the material, the ideological, and the symbolic. At the material level, black middle-class people consume cultural forms they decode as ‘white’ in order to establish an equity with whites in levels of cultural capital. At the ideological level, black middle-class people consume cultural forms that uplift meanings and representations of blackness, thus challenging controlling images of blackness. Lastly, at the symbolic level, black middle-class folks create and sustain cultural spaces where black people’s cultural and symbolic knowledge is given proper recognition and authority.  相似文献   
33.
Most research on right-wing populism has tried to explain the rise of populist movements and parties. While some have studied how neighborhood contexts and histories shape voting patterns, few have examined what happens locally after votes are cast. This article draws on three years of ethnographic research while the author lived in Brightmoor, a majority black, minority white poor depopulated Detroit neighborhood, to show how Trump’s politics shaped local expressions and experiences of racism. First, I show how white Trump supporters expressed distinct approaches to xenophobic ethnonationalism and racial politics. Trump’s surge empowered many to broadcast anti-immigrant sentiments, while they continued to put interactional and discursive work into not being seen as racist. Many also applied a “Trump lens” to local interactions and geographies and rendered minorities salient under Trump politics hypervisible. Second, I show how black residents equated xenophobic ethnonationalism with antiblack racism: seeing through pro-Trump whites’ attempts to separate these. Some also applied a new “Trump lens” to interactions and geographies, using the category of Trump voter and a sense of the voting map to anticipate and make sense of racist interactions. This article offers new insights into the local impacts of a national surge in right-wing populism.  相似文献   
34.
This article explores the ways in which the white working-class residents of a suburban English town reflect on their relationships with their British Asian Pakistani Muslim neighbors. Its focus is on how everyday constructions of home become sites for the intermingling of discourses of intercultural conviviality and racism. My contention is that the idea of home has not yet been given the detailed critical attention that it deserves in the sociological literature on everyday manifestations of multiculturalism, conviviality, and racism. My supposition is that a special focus on the idea of home as the site of conviviality offers a productive avenue to analyze how intercultural relationships are formed and how the norms of neighborliness are thought to break down, opening a space for commonplace racialized and racist stereotypes to take hold. The idea of home is central to the rhythm and landscape of the English suburbs. It conjures up the idea of a uniform and aspirational white space. Drawing on this imaginary of home, I shall trace how “white working class” “English,” “Scottish,” and “Anglo-Italian” residents’ everyday constructions of home become embroiled with their relationships with their British Asian Pakistani Muslim neighbors.  相似文献   
35.
Segregation and Mortality: The Deadly Effects of Racism?   总被引:10,自引:0,他引:10  
Elevated rates of mortality for African Americans compared to whites, coupled with the persistence of high levels of racial residential segregation, have directed attention to the structural manifestations of racism as potentially important pathogens for health. Using national mortality and census data for 1990 and a measure of black social isolation from whites, we examine the association between residential segregation and mortality in 107 major U.S. cities. Our analyses revealed that black social isolation tended to predict higher rates of mortality for African American males and females, although the strength of the association varied by cause of death. Socioeconomic deprivation explained a modest part of this association for black males but not for black females. Our analyses also found that a positive association between social isolation and mortality was more pronounced, for both blacks and whites, in cities that were also high on the index of dissimilarity. These findings highlight the need for research to identify the specific mechanisms and processes that link residential environments to adverse changes in health status.  相似文献   
36.
This paper introduces the concept of place‐defending and articulates its implications for locality‐based social policy. Place‐defending is the protection of one's local area from unfavourable assessments, in this case of being labelled or perceived as a racist space. Place attachment and identifications with place are drivers of place‐defending. Person‐place relationships and their implications for locality‐based social policies have not yet received sufficient consideration in the literature—a significant oversight considering the current policy focus in Australia and the United Kingdom on locality‐based social policy. In this study of local anti‐racism in the Australian context, place‐defending involved the denial of racism and performances of place that reproduced the discourse of tolerance. Print media coverage of the release of national data on racism was analysed alongside a series of interviews with individuals working on anti‐racism at both local and state/federal levels. Four tools of place‐defending are discussed: direct action to defend place; spatial deflections; use of minority group members to discredit claims of racism; and critiques of those who make claims about racism. The tools of place‐defending operated to construct localities as places of tolerance, potentially undermining the case for anti‐racism.  相似文献   
37.
出于对国家未来的焦虑,爱伦.坡把当时美国社会尖锐的种族问题巧妙融入小说叙事中。他用隐喻、象征等多种艺术手法,对残酷的奴隶制和种族压迫进行了无情的批判和鞭挞,对黑奴的悲惨遭遇表达了深切的同情和怜悯。然而,坡深受南方传统文化的熏陶,其思想上的保守因子导致种族立场的局限性和不彻底性。为了避免过分触及种族问题而陷入政治漩涡,他在小说中采取一种调和策略,即一种既不触怒白人读者、又能为大多数黑人所接受的"平均种族主义"。坡竭力在小说中构建一个没有种族歧视、种族迫害的理想世界,表达了对黑人、白人等多种族和谐共存的美好憧憬。  相似文献   
38.
39.
This exploratory study examined how seasoned White social workers grappled with the presence and effects of White privilege on their clinical practice. Data were collected in focus groups; findings were surfaced through thematic analysis. Five themes emerged: the role of engaging in continuous self-awareness in clinical practice; the complexity of using intersectionality to inform our work; the necessity of addressing White privilege in clinical conversations; the importance of creating strategies for use of power; and the process of engaging in life-long growth. These workers demonstrated awareness of, and accountability for, White privilege. Implications for progressive social work practice are discussed.  相似文献   
40.
This article argues that cultural competency promotes an obsolete view of culture and is a form of new racism. Cultural competency resembles new racism both by otherizing non-whites and by deploying modernist and absolutist views of culture while not using racialist language. Drawing on child welfare, cultural competence is shown to repeat what Lowe (1993) calls an ontology of forgetting Canada's history of colonialism and racism. A recommendation is made for jettisoning cultural competency and emphasizing instead a self-reflexive grappling with racism and colonialism.  相似文献   
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