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821.
The monetary policy targets the short rates; however, during zero interest rate policy (ZIRP), the short end of the yield curve cannot serve as a policy instrument. Relying on the joint yields-macro latent factors model, this study empirically examines the effect of monetary policy stances on term structure and the possible feedback effect on the real sector using the Japanese experience of ZIRP. The analysis indicates that it is the entire term structure that transmits the policy shocks to the real economy rather than the yield spread only. The monetary policy signals pass through the yield curve level and slope factors to stimulate the economic activity. The curvature factor, besides reflecting the cyclical fluctuations of the economy, acts as a leading indicator for future inflation. In addition, policy influence tends to be low as the short end becomes segmented toward medium/long-term of the yield curve. Furthermore, volatility in bond markets is found to be asymmetrically affected by positive and negative shocks and long end tends to be less sensitive to stochastic shocks than the short maturities. The expectation hypothesis of the term structure does not hold during the ZIRP period. 相似文献
822.
This paper examines international trade issues as vital indicators of the economic prospects of the United States and other developed economies. In particular, it challenges misuses of the doctrine of mutual gains from trade and instead argues that comparative advantage does not guarantee increases in benefits to both trading partners—especially when one partner seeks to distort the market mechanism in its favor. In the face of such mercantilist or protectionist practices, efforts to advance innovation, without retaining manufacturing jobs, will not ensure continued prosperity, as the number of jobs entailed in the invention process is small compared with the number of jobs associated with manufacturing an innovative product for mass consumption. These matters call for the urgent rethinking of trade policy by the United States and other developed nations, if they are to balance their imports and exports and ensure continued economic growth. 相似文献
823.
Hilary D. Joyce Jill Hoffman Dawn Anderson-Butcher Amber Moodie-Dyer 《Journal of social work in disability & rehabilitation》2014,13(4):297-316
Individuals with autism spectrum disorders (ASDs) have complex needs requiring regular service utilization. Policymakers, administrators, and community leaders are looking for ways to finance ASD services and systems. Understanding the fiscal resources that support ASD services is essential. This article uses fiscal mapping to explore ASD funding streams in Ohio. Fiscal mapping steps are overviewed to assist ASD stakeholders in identifying and examining ASD-related funding. Implications are drawn related to how fiscal mapping could be used to identify and leverage funding for ASD services. The resulting information is critical to utilizing existing resources, advocating for resources, and leveraging available funds. 相似文献
824.
从决策议程对环境的回应、动员社会中的稀缺资源和实现政府间合作三个角度来分析运动式执法的必然性,运动式执法作为一种政策工具和治理模式并非总是消极的。一味地否定运动式执法,既不符合中国公共治理的现实需要,也不符合严肃的学术研究的要求。 相似文献
825.
田烨 《华北电力大学学报(社会科学版)》2010,(2):63-66
改革开放以来,民族地区的经济发展与沿海城市、内地城市的差距越来越大,面临着人与自然如何协调发展、如何进行可持续发展等问题。科学发展观作为中国共产党人集体智慧的结晶,是指导我国经济发展的科学战略,对于我国民族地区经济法制建设具有重要的指导作用。 相似文献
826.
Nanotechnologies operate at atomic, molecular, and macromolecular scales, at scales where matter behaves differently than at larger scales and quantum effects can dominate. Nanotechnologies have captured the imagination of science fiction writers as science, engineering, and industry have leapt to the challenge of harnessing them. Applications are proliferating. In contrast, despite recent progress the regulatory landscape is not yet coherent, and public awareness of nanotechnology remains low. This has led risk researchers and critics of current nanotechnology risk communication efforts to call for proactive strategies that do more than address facts, that include and go beyond the public participation stipulated by some government acts. A redoubling of nanotechnology risk communication efforts could enable consumer choice and informed public discourse about regulation and public investments in science and safety. 相似文献
827.
Heide Weishaar Amanda Amos Jeff Collin 《International Journal of Social Research Methodology》2013,16(2):175-177
Social network analysis (SNA), a method which can be used to explore networks in various contexts, has received increasing attention. Drawing on the development of European smoke-free policy, this paper explores how a mixed-method approach to SNA can be utilised to investigate a complex policy network. Textual data from public documents, consultation submissions and websites were extracted, converted and analysed using plagiarism detection software and quantitative network analysis and qualitative data from public documents and 35 interviews were thematically analysed. While the quantitative analysis enabled understanding of the network’s structure and components, the qualitative analysis provided in-depth information about specific actors’ positions, relationships and interactions. The paper establishes that SNA is suited to empirically testing and analysing networks in EU policy-making. It contributes to methodological debates about the antagonism between qualitative and quantitative approaches and demonstrates that qualitative and quantitative network analysis can offer a powerful tool for policy analysis. 相似文献
828.
《联合国海洋法公约》对海盗罪规定了超普遍管辖权。这种管辖权明显区别于普遍管辖权,对于打击海盗罪非常便捷、有力。但是,如果对行使地域不加限制,就会严重侵犯国家主权。因此公约严格将海盗罪的行为地限制在公海或任何国家管辖范围之外的地方。这种限制是非常合理的。对于不在限制地域发生的海盗行为,不能行使超普遍管辖权,而只能行使其他管辖权。 相似文献
829.
《Marriage & Family Review》2013,49(2):5-27
No abstract available for this article. 相似文献
830.
Pablo ALEGRE Fernando FILGUEIRA 《International labour review / International Labour Office》2009,148(3):317-334
Since Uruguay's return to democracy in 1985, a shift in economic and social policy has radically changed the country. The outcomes have been shaped by adjustment to international circumstances “by default”, stop‐go market reforms and the inconsistent pace and content of reforms. Unlike other countries in the region, Uruguay has not followed a resolutely neo‐liberal course, but rather a hybrid one. The end result has been a liberal labour regime coupled with a three‐dimensional social policy balancing the market, the old corporatist welfare State and the new welfare state targeting specific beneficiaries. 相似文献