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31.
张祺 《佛山科学技术学院学报(社会科学版)》2006,24(4):40-42,70
《红字》的读者深受霍桑对三位主角截然不同的描写影响,认为齐灵渥斯是罪恶最深厚的罪人,而他的诸多正常人的权利及人性需求却一直得不到理解和支持。由于霍桑矛盾而狭隘的宗教观,以及他对该人物存在一定的偏见,从而形成了笔下丑恶的魔鬼:齐灵渥斯。 相似文献
32.
抗日战争时期是中国共产党正确认识宗教问题和全面开展宗教工作的重要阶段.无论是在抗日民主根据地,还是在国统区、沦陷区,党都制定与抗日战争相适应的宗教政策,坚持和扩大抗日民族统一战线,积极引导宗教与抗日战争相适应,推动了抗日战争的胜利进程,积累了积极的理论成果和实践经验,为以后党的宗教工作提供了借鏊. 相似文献
33.
宗教现象是民族学者了解羌族文化的一个极重要的方面,对羌族宗教研究作回顾与反思有重要价值。二十世纪初,英国传教士、民族学者陶然士以传播论为依据,认为羌族是希伯来人的子孙后代和一神论者。三十年代,美国学者葛维汉以鲍亚斯的文化相对主义研究羌族宗教信仰,批评陶然士的观点。中国民族学家胡鉴民以功能论来论证羌族原始宗教是羌族文化的本质。从五十年代到现在,中国民族学者结合了欧美以及我国民族学的传统,对羌族宗教信仰进行研究,基本上与前辈一脉相承。不同之点,过去是筚路蓝缕,现在是日渐茁壮。胡鉴民认为宗教是“羌族文化中最可宝贵的一部分”的概念,促成了一种新形态的研究模式,其影响是深远的。学界对白石崇拜信仰研究已逐渐成为羌族研究里的显学。 相似文献
34.
乔纳森·爱德华兹在领导美国殖民地时期大觉醒运动的过程中,通过上帝的至高无上性、宗教情感论、千禧年主义和经济理论四个方面的宗教思想对人们进行布道,试图改变基督教信仰日益淡漠的问题。他的宗教思想唤醒了人们的宗教热情,改善了北美殖民地的道德水平,为美国革命奠定了理论基础,并在一定程度上促进了北美殖民地经济的发展。 相似文献
35.
李丹丹 《佳木斯大学社会科学学报》2012,30(6):146-148
赫哲族是我国东北渔猎民族之一,它和我国其它的少数民族一样,有自己的宗教信仰和灵魂观念。他们崇拜自然,崇拜鬼神,相信万物有灵。对自然物、动物以及灵魂都有自己的观念,形成了赫哲族传统的宗教观,为我们今天研究赫哲族人的生活习俗、文化传统提供了重要的依据。 相似文献
36.
在先民的思想世界中,“天”兼具自然性与宗教性,但是在周以后,随着人文精神的觉醒,“天”的这两种性质逐渐分离开来,一方面是其自然性凸现出来而与人相分离;但更重要的是“天”的宗教性的意涵转化成为人的道德的根源,因而具有了本体论的意味,但它与人的终极关怀和功夫修养仍然紧密联系。因此,通过与西方理性主义思想传统的比较,我们可以发现儒学同时具有宗教性与哲学性的特质。 相似文献
37.
中西方宗教存在着重大的差别,而这种差别的根源就在于中国独特的历史国情和文化传统。宗教文化对于中华文明的发展有着广泛的渗透和持续的影响。中国宗教文化所具有的独特性其根源就在于中国传统的思维方式、文化背景及政治经济结构。 相似文献
38.
Given the intersection of racial, religious, and sexual identities for Black queer populations, the current study examines sexuality-related religious rhetoric. Twenty Black cisgender queer men were recruited to participate in a qualitative interview. Using thematic analysis, the research team identified four themes: negative religious rhetoric, personal consequences of negative religious rhetoric, social consequences of negative religious rhetoric, and growth from negative religious rhetoric. Participants explained the pervasiveness of negative religious rhetoric within their churches and family structures. Men also conveyed how negative religious rhetoric frames societal ideologies around same-sex behavior, often condoning violence toward queer populations. Although men had negative experiences, participants articulated the importance of using oppression as a platform for growth. Black cisgender queer men are present within religious institutions; however, such negative religious rhetoric may negatively affect their mental and physical health. Researchers, clinicians, and clergy should consider the ways negative religious rhetoric marginalizes queer populations. 相似文献
39.
This paper investigated Finnish youth’s perceptions on what supports or prevents understanding between people holding different worldviews, especially religious and non-religious ones. A survey using projective, open-ended questions was conducted examining factors that enhance or damage inter-worldview dialogue among Finnish lower secondary school students (N = 563). The data was analysed using qualitative content analysis. Abu-Nimer’s developmental model of interreligious sensitivity was used as a theoretical framework, but data-driven categories were also created. First, pupils thought of reasons why somebody would wish that religions did not exist. Four categories were created: atheism, confusion about religious expressions, problems related to one’s own worldview, or problems in social interaction. Second, pupils reflected on why somebody would be reluctant to share things about his/her faith. The most important feature addressed here was social deviance, either fear of it or its consequences or actual experiences. Third, pupils suggested ways to create a culture of peaceful dialogue. Most responses referred to changes in attitudes or different kinds of social interaction. 相似文献
40.
Afiya Shehrbano Zia 《International Feminist Journal of Politics》2017,19(3):296-310
The nexus of Islam, gender, race and violence has been keenly revisited in some post-9/11 scholarship. The concern over the racialized Muslim male body is justifiable in cases of rendition, torture and the kind of battlefields that mark the War on Terror. However, the sympathetic analysis of the tortured Muslim male body as a permanent and universally vulnerable imaginary has necessarily challenged the framing of sexual politics for Muslim contexts. This bid to shield the vulnerable Muslim male body from Islamophobia and imperialist violence forecloses the notion that Islamist patriarchy and politics can themselves be fundamentally violent in the post-9/11 moment and within the Muslim community. This obscures the range of routine, domestic and normative violent expressions observed by men in Muslim societies. This essay discusses two cases that illustrate the means and methods by which female bodies have been sexed by the narrative of the War on Terror in Pakistan. These cases highlight how the academic efforts that seek to rescue the racialized Muslim male body complicate the struggle of resisting (lay) female bodies. 相似文献