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151.
魏红珊 《民族学刊》2019,10(6):61-70, 127-129
风云激荡的近代“川边”,历任主政者的川边治理成效殊异:赵尔丰籍“平康三策”,锐意进取,开拓出广阔的川边境域,成功践行“固川保藏”方略。尹昌衡藉个人英雄主义维持短暂的绚烂;其后走马灯式的镇守使无法掌控川边局势,失地溃败;颇具政治韬略的刘文辉,妥善处理民族关系,稳固川边,促使西康成功建省。34年的川边治理为现代西南边疆治理留下了鲜活的经验教训,川滇藏结合部需要新的边疆治理统筹。  相似文献   
152.
The shared resource hypothesis suggests that married couples share the same environmental resources, which shape their health concordance. This study tests its cross‐national applicability. Cross‐sectional 2012–2013 Health and Retirement Study data from China, England, Mexico, and the United States were analyzed. Heterosexual couples (age ≥60) who were married or partnered were studied (N = 20,565 pairs). Dyadic data were analyzed by multilevel models to examine the effect of self and spousal social and physical health statuses on depressive symptoms. Regression models were used to test the relationship between couples' shared resources and depressive symptom concordance. Results indicated both husbands and wives' depressive symptoms were associated with their own and spouses' social and health statuses. Most couple‐level resources were insignificant predictors for Chinese and Mexican couples' concordance, but having more social and financial resources was associated with higher concordance among British and American couples. Self‐reported health was the most consistent predictor in all countries. The shared resource hypothesis was more applicable to depressive symptom concordance within couples in the United States and England, but not in China and Mexico. Couple‐centered intervention is suggested for clinical practice, and the spousal effect should be considered in policymaking.  相似文献   
153.
网络直播聚合犯罪愈演愈烈,主要集中于知识产权犯罪和色情犯罪领域,国内目前对该类犯罪的研究较少。网络直播聚合犯罪与社会结构方面的紧张、个人违法性意识方面的紧张存在关系,前者主要体现为:商品拜物教影响下的部分民众设定目标时日益以物质获得为参考系;阶层固化使得处于部分底层民众无法通过制度性手段实现目标。后者主要体现为网络直播聚合犯罪者实施犯罪,与其权衡犯罪成本与获利数额、心存侥幸有关。在对案例进行实证分析的前提下,归纳概括出此类犯罪的三个主要特征:犯罪主体呈现出低龄化、学历较低、无业状态较多的特点;分工的复杂性、网络的匿名性使得犯罪的隐蔽性较强;黑灰产业链业已形成并成熟。对此类犯罪的治理,应当坚持惩防并举,在惩罚方面应当注意网络直播聚合共同犯罪认定规则的变通适用,以及网络直播聚合犯罪立法扩张、司法限缩与严格执法之间的关系;在预防方面应当构建国家、社会两位一体的预防模式。  相似文献   
154.
发展数字经济是我国重要国策,对其评估指标体系的研究受到多方关注,但目前我国数字经济测度仅仅局限于数字化产业和数字化创新,尚未形成一个完整、系统的数字经济评价指标体系。文章在引入治理环境的基础上,基于经济学上的投入产出视角探讨我国数字经济发展的有效测度方法,在研究数字经济的发展效应中新添了数字化治理和数字知识型人才供给两项指标,构建了一套基于投入产出视角的数字经济发展评价指标体系,为衡量数字经济发展提供了一个系统的体系。为提升数字治理现代化水平,更好发挥数字经济在促进经济高质量发展中的作用提供了实践意义和政策参考。  相似文献   
155.
王允武 《民族学刊》2017,8(1):53-59,110-112
Deepening reform, promoting the rule of law, and implementing the “Five Develop ̄ment ” concepts have had a deep influence on the modernization of governance in ethnic autonomous regions. Based on a review of 30 years of success ̄ful experiences in implementing ethnic regional au ̄tonomous law, and focusing on the concepts of“innovation, coordination, green development, openness and sharing”, we need to conduct in -depth research on the ways to:promote governance by law, realize the modernization of governance;and promote the efficient implementation of ethnic autonomous systems in the ethnic autonomous re ̄gion.
The 155 ethnic autonomous areas of China cover 64% of the total area of the country. There ̄fore, the governance of the country cannot be a ̄chieved without modernizing the governance in the ethnic autonomous regions. Modernizing the gov ̄ernance in ethnic autonomous regions is a necessa ̄ry element for modernizing the governance of the nation. The modernization of the ethnic autono ̄mous regions actually means the legalization of the governance in ethnic autonomous areas, which is a main part of the legalization of the ethnic affairs.
The comprehensive, deepening of reform, and promoting governance by law have been strongly promoted. We should start from reality, respect differences, and take the development concepts of“innovation, coordination, green, openness and sharing” into consideration so as to promote the ef ̄ficient implementation of ethnic regional autono ̄mous systems through various methods. We should update our concepts, weaken specificity, solidify locality, intensify new thinking, innovate the run ̄ning of ethnic autonomous systems, and promote the modernization of governance in ethnic autono ̄mous regions. Based on a comprehensive analysis of the theories and practices used since the imple ̄mentation of ethnic regional autonomous regula ̄tions, and under the premise of intensifying “the legalization of ethnic affairs”, we should deepen the comprehensive reform of the ethnic autonomous regions, comprehensively promote the governance by law, and realize the goal of building a moder ̄ately prosperous society as scheduled through im ̄proving and innovating the running of ethnic re ̄gional autonomous systems.
“Ethnic areas are districts with rich resources and water sources; they are ecological screen zones, cultural characteristic zones, border areas, and poor areas.” At the same time, due to histori ̄cal, social and natural factors,“the natural condi ̄tions of most ethnic areas are not good; their be ̄ginning phase of development is low; they have many historical debts; they are located far away from the central markets and urban areas;their ur ̄ban-rural gap is very obvious”, and “their gap with the eastern areas ( of China) is growing larger and larger”. The reform and the promotion of gov ̄ernance by law in ethnic autonomous areas should put more emphasis on locality, ethnicity and “au ̄tonomy”. Of course, we must avoid of “artificial ̄ly” intensifying ethnic consciousness, and creating ethnic “differences”. Meanwhile, we should “im ̄prove the capability for legal management of ethnic affairs”, “intensify the construction of laws and regulations related to ethnic work”, “legally han ̄dle those issues involving ethnic factors”, “insist on resolving issues involving ethnic factors by the law, and avoid of regarding civil and criminal problems related to ethnic people as ethnic prob ̄lems, or regarding common disputes in ethnic are ̄as as ethnic problems. ”
We should affirm that China’s ethnic relations are harmonious, and that their economics are de ̄veloping rapidly. Since the implementation of the policy of “reform and opening -up”, especially since 2005 , the economics in ethnic autonomous regions have developed dramatically; the people’s living conditions have continuously improved;bas ̄ic infrastructure has significantly speeded up; and ecological protection has solidly improved. Howev ̄er, the problems still prevail. For example, the poverty in ethnic areas is still serious—there are more than 25 million poor in ethnic rural areas. Therefore, the task of poverty alleviation is still very tough. In addition, the gap between urban and rural areas and between different regions is very large in ethnic autonomous regions. Finally, the rate of urbanization is very low.
In sum, during the process of modernizing so ̄cial governance in ethnic autonomous regions, we must pay full attention to the five“stage character ̄istics” of ethnic work in China which are the:( i) co - existence of opportunities and challenges brought by the “reform and opening -up” policy and the socialist market economy;( ii) co-exist ̄ence of the state’s constant support to the ethnic ar ̄eas and its low level of development; ( iii ) co -existence of the state’s constant support to the eth ̄nic areas and the weak level of basic public service capability in ethnic areas; ( iv ) co -existence of the constant exchange and fusion between various ethnic groups and the disputes involving ethnic fac ̄tors;and ( v) co-existence of the great achieve ̄ments in anti-national splittism, religious extrem ̄ity, and violent terrorism, as well as the active ter ̄rorism activities in some areas. Only when we rec ̄ognize this situation, can we understand the speci ̄ficity of doing ethnic work in China. The innova ̄tion of governance of ethnic autonomous areas and the promotion of governance by law in the whole country must start from this actual situation.
At present, we still need to clarify the conno ̄tations of autonomous rights. Based on a clear clar ̄ification of the basic meaning of ethnic regional au ̄tonomous rights, we should deepen reform, active ̄ly transform the governance of the ethnic autono ̄mous regions, further deepen relevant theoretical studies, and positively promote the ethnic regional autonomous system. The main purpose of the eth ̄nic regional autonomous areas is to promote the de ̄velopment of the various affairs of ethnic minorities and ethnic regional autonomous areas. The purpose for improving the ethnic regional autonomous sys ̄tem is to ensure the development of ethnic minori ̄ties and ethnic regional autonomous regions. Im ̄proving the ethnic regional autonomous system should transform from one of preferential treatment to one of nuanced development.
Looking back to the past, the legal construc ̄tion of ethnic regional autonomy has made great a ̄chievements. However, the preferential policies of the state and relevant institutes are still the real factors promoting the development of the various af ̄fairs of the ethnic minorities and ethnic autonomous areas. As described in this article, there are multi ̄ple factors which influence the efficiency and per ̄formance of the ethnic regional autonomy. The eth ̄nic autonomous regions are restricted by natural conditions and economic development, therefore, they have to depend on assistance from the state and the relevant institutes—this is the objective re ̄ality. However, the improvement of the ethnic re ̄gional autonomous system must change the status of the past, and enable the ethnic regional autono ̄mous system play out its actual role so that the va ̄rious affairs of ethnic minorities and ethnic autono ̄mous regions can step onto a road of nuanced de ̄velopment.
The future development of the ethnic regional autonomous system depends on the consensus of theoretical and practical circles, i. e. a long-term mechanism whose purpose is to enable the system itself play its actual role should be established. Only by such a mechanism, can these puzzling problems be solved and gradually improved. Tak ̄ing the breakthrough of the actual effect of the sys ̄tem as the starting point of the ethnic regional autonomy’s deepening of the reform, one should take the following aspects into consideration:1 ) re-examine existing laws and regulations, and im ̄prove them on the basis of institutional norms, en ̄hance normalization, uniformity and manipulability of the ethnic regional autonomous regulations; 2 ) sort out the relationship between the institutions in ethnic autonomous areas and the upper levels of the state institutes, as well as the relationship be ̄tween the institutions on the same level;on the va ̄rious institutional levels, enhance clear cognition on the position, role and organizing principles of the ethnic regional autonomous system, and avoid taking the ethnic regional autonomous system as the affairs of the ethnic autonomous areas;3 ) im ̄prove the supervisory mechanisms for running the ethnic regional autonomous system; and 4 ) im ̄prove the mechanisms for handling disputes on the running of the ethnic regional autonomous system.
We must work closely, share the achieve ̄ments, and promote the operation of the ethnic re ̄gional autonomous system. For this purpose, we should:1 ) standardize the management of the eth ̄nic regional autonomous system, and weaken the“specificity”;2 ) promote the governance capabili ̄ty of the ethnic regional autonomous areas, and so ̄lidify the concept of“locality”;3 ) enhance auton ̄omous awareness and capability, intensify “new thinking”, motivate initiatives from the autonomous areas, and improve the autonomous system from the bottom-up, and rationally allocate the power and rights of the high-level organs and the auton ̄omous organs in the ethnic autonomous areas.  相似文献   
156.
The importance of good governance is praised by many academics and practitioners. The prominence of the subject suggests that measurement is important. However, setting out to measure the quality of governance empirically is controversial. Doubts regarding the feasibility and meaningfulness of this undertaking are widespread in the literature. Recognizing the potential caveats, the current article discusses a set of guidelines for structuring a theoretically sound local governance assessment tool based on the Decision Analysis and Operational Research literatures. The authors argue that using a multi-criteria model which employs several objective (quantitative and qualitative) indicators and relies on a participatory method to aggregate them is a suitable way of developing sensible Local Governance Indicators. The purpose here is to provide a detailed roadmap for any country (or region, or locality) willing to engage in the assessment of the quality of local governance. The real-world implementation of a model developed according to these guidelines could help raise awareness, promote good practices and increase the ‘governance literacy’ of citizens. By operationalizing good governance, analysts may also be able to further investigate the relationships between local governance practices and several socio-economic factors.  相似文献   
157.
This article explores the functioning of Lombardy's networked employment services system, inspired by quasi‐market and horizontal subsidiarity principles, and specifically addresses a gap in the quasi‐market literature, where little attention is devoted to the role played by institutions at lower levels of government. A qualitative study of the Lombardy system, with a focus on the municipality of Milan, is relied upon in order to explore the extent to which the principles of quasi‐market and multi‐level governance pursued by the regional government are allowed to co‐exist in practice. Here, sub‐regional levels of government are directly involved in services provision, but enjoy a more privileged condition relative to the private providers, thereby jeopardizing the implementation of an effective quasi‐market. The article contributes to existing theories by suggesting that horizontal subsidiarity and marketization cannot neglect multi‐level governance in those sectors where public bodies at various levels of government are directly involved in implementation.  相似文献   
158.
This article addresses the issue of policy change and its consequences on the organizational field and institutional context, looking at the role of an instrument transfer process. We adopt a political sociology approach to policy instruments to account for the impact that the introduction of a securitarian instrument, the mayoral order, had on the implementation process of a social policy. Through a genealogy of the instrument we identify a constitutive, normative and cognitive dimension. Our aim is to explain the interaction between these institutional dimensions, the re‐definition of the organizational field of the policy, and the dynamics of metropolitan politics. Following a synthesis of the policy process and the institutional arrangements where the policy is implemented, we show how the instrument transfer triggered a division within the organizational field, and the rise of institutional tensions amongst local authorities. In the conclusion, we identify the institutional dimensions of the instruments and the policy implementation scale as elements that are to interact with public‐private relationships and institutional arrangements, and that have an impact on implementation process and policy outcome.  相似文献   
159.
探析我国突发公共卫生危机治理的路向选择   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
严晓  刘霞 《兰州学刊》2009,(12):95-99
文章就当前我国突发公共卫生危机应对只处于“管理”而非“治理”的现状,提出我国需要建设由政府部门、非政府组织、私营部门、公民个人和家庭及国际组织等全主体力量的参与,形成高度组织化的突发公共卫生危机治理体系,使之成为全主体、全危险要素、全过程应对突发公共卫生危机的长期合作网络和制度平台,即着眼全球视野的治理网络,凝聚全国组织治理公共卫生危机的整体合力;着力全主体应急平台建设,整合全部资源畅通公共卫生危机的信息机制;着手全方位应急预案体系,操演全新流程强化公共卫生危机的响应计划;着重全国民疾病防控体系,强化全员监督提高公共卫生危机的应对能力;着实全社会应急知识宣教,推动全民学习锻造公共卫生危机的组织实力。  相似文献   
160.
在推进和谐社会建设的进程中,西南边疆多民族地区社会动力机制运行不断完善,但还存在许多问题:社会发展的经济动力不足,政府的工作存在比较大的改进空间,法律法规的规范力处在较低层次上,社会成员的认知程度和文化需求的现实满足程度还偏低。实现西南边疆多民族地区社会和谐必须把推动社会发展的经济动力、政治动力、文化动力等充分激活,让创造社会价值和财富的源泉充分进发。  相似文献   
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