合作与龃龉交错的日韩军事关系述评

日韩两国建交后,关注的焦点从"政治逻辑"转向"经济逻辑",并执意将历史问题与经济问题脱钩,努力发展和扩大政治经济关系和军事交流,以建立"新型伙伴关系".但是,历史问题和领土问题始终是横亘在日韩之间的最大障碍,两国在历史问题和领土问题上摩擦丛生、龃龉不断.每当两国出现历史纷争和领土争端,首当其冲的便是作为两国合作最为敏感的军事交流.     

Occupation as refrain: territory and beyond in Occupy London

Emerging with the wider ‘movements of the squares’ of 2011, Occupy London was defined by occupation, and by participants’ negotiation of what occupation meant. Its forms and meanings changed as London’s Occupiers moved between occupied sites, through uprootings by eviction, and into post-eviction attempts to extend Occupy’s territorial politics without the camps. This paper builds on three years of ethnography to consider occupation as an unfolding process, using Deleuze and Guattari’s concept of the ‘refrain’. This describes territory in three ‘moments’: the marking of a fragile centre; the stabilization of a bounded ‘home’; and the breaching of boundaries, extending in progressive directions. This rubric is used to analyze London’s occupations, and their defining tension, between an expansive desire to ‘Occupy Everywhere’ – connecting to the wider ‘99 percent’ – and the tendency to become embedded in the protest camp ‘home’. The features of ‘home’ are analyzed using Foucault’s concept of ‘heterotopia’, highlighting an alterity with ambivalent consequences for Occupy’s project. The paper argues that despite a desire to ‘deterritorialize’ occupation, Occupy London stalled in the moment of ‘home’, a consequence of the camp’s status as the ‘common ground’ of an often disparate movement, and the reduction of productive capacities characterizing Occupy’s terminal downswing.     

Incongruent migration categorisations and competing citizenship claims: ‘return’ and hypermigration in transnational migration circuits

ABSTRACT

Recent scholarly interventions propose that the principle of jus nexi (effective connections) or jus domicile (domicile) should replace birthright or birthplace considerations when assigning citizenship status and political membership. Nonetheless, both views privilege notions of territorial presence and the ideal of political community. This paper focuses on Mainland Chinese return migration from Canada to metropolitan cities in China. The dual citizenship restriction enforced by China means those that naturalised in Canada have relinquished their right to Chinese citizenship. Should they be considered returnees, immigrants or transnational sojourners in their ancestral homeland? It is this incongruence in migration categorisations compared to migrant life-worlds that this paper aims to examine. The paper also highlights the interface of competing claims to citizenship in the context of Chinese internal migration and new (African) immigration in China, as well as the returnees’ own transnational migration across the lifecourse. It argues that the ordering mechanisms that characterise normative conceptions of citizenship focus on isolated types of migration trends whereas what confronts us more urgently are intersecting migration configurations that underline the incongruence of migration categorisations and the complexity of competing citizenship claims spatially and temporally.     

Foreign policy priorities and ethnic return migration policies: group-level variation in Greece and Serbia

ABSTRACT

Why do ethnoculturally defined states pursue favourable policies to integrate some returnees from their historical diasporas while neglecting or excluding others? We study this question by looking at members of two historical diasporas that, in the 1990s, returned to their respective ethnic homelands, Greece and Serbia, but were not treated uniformly by their respective governments. Utilising a wide range of primary sources, we consider evidence for a number of plausible explanations for such policy variation, including the economic profile of an ethnic returnee group, its status in internal ethnic hierarchies, its lobbying power, and dynamics of party politics. We find, instead, that the observed variation is best explained by the role that each particular group played in the ruling elites’ ex ante foreign policy objectives. Elites discouraged the repatriation of co-ethnics from parts of the world they still had claims over, by pursuing unfavourable repatriation policies. Conversely, absent a revisionist claim, states adopted favourable repatriation policies to encourage their repatriation and facilitate their integration upon return. Methodologically, the article illustrates the importance of focused comparisons across dyads of states and particular sub-diaspora groups.     

The Making of the Capital of Slovakia

The paper concentrates on three aspects that played a role in shaping the capital of Slovakia: the importance of a name given to the territory illustrating how renaming came to play a crucial role in creating a capital of Slovakia, an successful example of how to nationalise a place and a past; the second part of the paper describes the barriers in acceptance of Bratislava as the capital city of Slovakia among its citizens; the final part deals with ideological incentives in demolition and construction the town and its monuments. The main argument says that the route of Bratislava to the position of the capital of Slovakia was atypical, the majority of its population did not want this status, the actors of the national revolution—the Slovaks did not regard it as their centre, and it did not even have a definitely fixed Slovak name. Nevertheless, Bratislava succeeded gradually made its own history of ‘all Slovakia’. The democratic revolution of 1989–1993 confirmed the functioning of Bratislava as the centre of Slovakia, both in the actual political revolution and in the creation of democratic institutions. As a matter of fact, Bratislava could not be considered a ‘big city’ especially in comparison to Vienna, Prague or Budapest—with nearly half of million inhabitants belongs to rather small cities in East Central Europe and sometimes is characterised as a ‘provincial large city’.     

吴国疆域补考

初吴疆域不仅包括今苏、锡、常、镇地区 ,还应包括今南京和湖州地区。吴国盛时南界为今海宁至崇德、德清、莫干山、广德一线 ;西南界应包括今江西中南部 ;西界在寿梦、诸樊时不应包括今六安 ;北界不应包括武城 ,而应包括丰邑     

Precarious in Piraeus: on the making of labour insecurity in a port concession

ABSTRACT

Examining the territorial and logistical factors surrounding the leasing of the Greek port of Piraeus to a subsidiary of the Chinese state-owned enterprise COSCO, this paper responds to calls to investigate variations in experiences of precarity. The article is based on research conducted in 2014 when the container processing area at Piraeus was divided between two terminals: the first run by the Piraeus Port Authority (OLP) and the second run by COSCO’s subsidiary Piraeus Container Terminals (PCT). By contrasting the threatened unionized labour regime at OLP with the highly precarious labour conditions at PCT, the paper asks how the operative dimensions of capital condition precarity’s intensification and spread. In this light, precarity emerges not simply as a form of labour insecurity or an unevenly shared condition of human vulnerability but as a relational nexus that links questions of political economy to matters of subjectivity, space, power, and governance.     

关中地域历史文脉考论

从关中地域的自然、人文环境出发 ,分析了西岳华山、西镇吴山、黄帝陵、历代帝陵及古都等要素之间的势位 ,重新认识了关中地域历史文脉所展示出的华夏民族古老的生命文化信仰、先民聚落结构及其所孕育的哲理观念。在此基础上 ,对关中的历史文脉作了进一步的研讨 ,提出了“祖陵·祖山·祖都”为一体的“祖地结构”说 ,明确了关中在华夏文化中的地位和作用。     

界限之思——维特根斯坦对于经验主体的超越

该文认为,维特根斯坦的早期哲学是沿一条奇特的运思路向上游动,而《逻辑哲学论》中的划界思想则是理解其早期哲学的一条重要线索。该文拟从维特根斯坦由经验主体向先验主体的提升与超越入手,籍以展示其早期哲学之奇特的运思轨迹和本质特征。     

促进辽宁县域经济发展的财政政策建议

针对辽宁县域经济的发展存在的城镇化进程缓慢、农业产业化水平低、新型工业化道路推进迟缓、市场化程度低等诸多问题,通过对存在问题的原因进行分析,认为政策制度是阻碍县域经济发展的关键因素,提出了从调整财政政策入手,改革县乡财政管理体制,完善和加强各项支农的财政政策等促进辽宁县域经济发展的政策建议。