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101.
This article asks whether political education at upper secondary school – i.e. shortly before or at the age when young people receive the right to vote – affects individual political interest as well as differences in political interest between social groups. Empirically, we use a novel data set combining individual student data with information on classroom-based political education as well as teacher characteristics. We do not find support for a more or less automatic and positive effect of classroom-based political education on young people’s political interest. Whereas we analyzed three dimensions of political education (knowledge, skills, arousing interest in politics), the skills dimension was the only one that exhibited a consistent positive (and mostly significant) relationship with young peoples’ political interest. Moreover, classroom-based political education seems not to compensate for a lack of political socialization at home but rather tends to affect students with politically interested parents most strongly.  相似文献   
102.
ABSTRACT

In a high-choice media environment, there are fears that individuals will select media and content that reinforce their existing beliefs and lead to segregation based on interest and/or partisanship. This could lead to partisan echo chambers among those who are politically interested and could contribute to a growing gap in knowledge between those who are politically interested and those who are not. However, the high-choice environment also allows individuals, including those who are politically interested, to consume a wide variety of media, which could lead them to more diverse content and perspectives. This study examines the relationship between political interest as well as media diversity and being caught in an echo chamber (measured by five different variables). Using a nationally representative survey of adult internet users in the United Kingdom (N?=?2000), we find that those who are interested in politics and those with diverse media diets tend to avoid echo chambers. This work challenges the impact of echo chambers and tempers fears of partisan segregation since only a small segment of the population are likely to find themselves in an echo chamber. We argue that single media studies and studies which use narrow definitions and measurements of being in an echo chamber are flawed because they do not test the theory in the realistic context of a multiple media environment.  相似文献   
103.
This paper provides a response to the commentary by Delfabbro and King (2017), which describes major criticisms of articles situated in a ‘political economy’ conceptual framework. The current paper argues that these criticisms obfuscate legitimate concerns about industry involvement in gambling research, and disregard important evidence about activities of hazardous-consumption industries which provide grounds for strong concern about commercial practices of the gambling industry. Although many aspects of the commentary by Delfabbro and King (2017) are contentious, the current paper summarizes conceptual and empirical literature which supports concern about (a) agency and collaboration in practices of the gambling industry, which make assertions of equivalence with a conspiracy theory both inappropriate and misleading, and (b) the role of research on problem gambling behaviours and pathologies in supporting agendas that may undermine public health. This indicates the need for the scientific community to take seriously its role in improving awareness of the hazards of commercial involvement in gambling research, and thus helping researchers to make informed decisions about these risks and their own manner of engagement with the gambling industry.  相似文献   
104.
The concept of self-interest remains underdeveloped in sociology although central to economics. Recent methodological and social trends render sociological indifference to the concept untenable. The term has enjoyed historical predominance in the West since the sixteenth century. While it is seen in modern economics as a singular motivating force, Adam Smith regarded self-interest in economic action as necessarily moderated by sympathy. In addition to its problematic economic conceptualization self-interest has an experiential basis in unequal power relations. An alternative to the concept of self-interest is presented by Amartya Sen in his account of commitment; its inconsistencies, however, render Sen's statement unsatisfactory. Differences between present and future interests indicate that the distinction between self-interested and other-interested action is not sustainable.  相似文献   
105.
刘敏 《学术探索》2012,(11):58-61
通过对中国国债收益率与央票利率、基准利率和CPI的协整关系研究,揭示出我国国债市场的收益率走势与各宏观经济变量之间的互动关系。研究结果表明:在不施加任何约束的条件下,我国国债市场的风险长期来看是可以规避的,而国债与央票之间具有互动关系,二者的利率风险具有一定的互补性。  相似文献   
106.
聚众淫乱罪属于无被害人犯罪的一种类型。我国刑法中聚众淫乱罪分为公然与秘密两种类型。从无被害人犯罪的角度,秘密的聚众淫乱行为入罪不具备法益侵害性、不符合刑法谦抑性、不符合社会需要和民意,应当除罪化。公然的聚众淫乱符合犯罪的本质,应当犯罪化。并且二人的公然淫乱也应当入罪。  相似文献   
107.
杨萌 《学术界》2012,(6):214-224,289
法益概念在德国刑法学中有着独特的重要地位.一方面,理论界尽管对其内涵和功能理解不一、聚讼纷纭,但主流观点一直肯定,刑法的任务是保护法益,以法益为基础的犯罪的实质概念能够限制刑事立法.而另一方面,德国刑事立法和司法界对于法益概念的批判立法功能一直心存怀疑.法益论的发展历史和最新发展告诉我们,法益理论的历史精神体现在它对自由主义的坚守,是不屈从于国家权威和国家家长主义的独立判断和坚持.合比例原则与自治原则是对法益理论的有益补充.  相似文献   
108.
传统刑法法益由国家法益、社会法益和个人法益组成,并且刑法以保护国家法益为其最重要的任务。在这种法益结构影响下,人们往往将刑法的法律特性归结为刑法是公法,虽然有学者很早就提出了刑法是保障法的论断,但至今仍未超出刑法是公法的羁绊,这与刑法的发展趋势是不相符合的。在刑事法治视域中,刑法法益除了国家法益、社会法益和个人法益之外,还应当包括生态法益,而且其中个人法益具有优先性,社会法益和生态法益具有基础性,国家法益具有保障性。在这种刑法法益结构的影响下,刑法的法律特性应当归结为刑法只能是保障法,这一论断,不仅表明了刑法的法律特性,还意味着对刑法法律品格的重新塑造。  相似文献   
109.
激发学生学习兴趣 ,不仅能提高学习效果 ,而且能更好地提高教学效果。一个教师若把学生的兴趣调动起来 ,那他就成功了一半。本文从以下几方面论述了如何激发学生学习语文的兴趣 :创设各种教学情境 (如“审美情境”、“问题情境”、“形象直观情境”) ,调动学生的主体作用 ,结合专业培养学生的创新能力和增加实用性的教学内容等。  相似文献   
110.
外贸出口企业在一些特殊情况下防范履约风险的措施是 :首先 ,应在合同中订立不可抗力条款以防范风险的发生 ;其次 ,还应投保卖方利益险和出口信用险以弥补因买方拒付、拒收给出口企业造成的损失。另外 ,出口企业在与外商签约时尽力争取对己有利的CIF贸易术语成交和信用证结算方式支付 ,以此把风险损失降到最低程度。  相似文献   
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