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251.
传媒经济的实质是议程经济,只有议程经济可以联系传媒传受即供需双方,实现传媒经济均衡。议程经济发挥作用的机制是传播的乘数效应,在传统媒体和新媒体融合的生态下,媒介生产方式体现出全新的特征。信息的倍增效果产生的正反作用对传播的议程经济的取得提出了新的挑战,值得高度重视,有必要深入研究以网络信息传播为代表的新媒体的规制原则和方法,才能确保传媒经济和社会双重效益的实现。 相似文献
252.
在分析公民环境公益诉讼的外在价值和内在价值的基础上,对公民提起诉讼动力不足的因素进行分析表明,动力不足的内在结构缺陷表现为经济理性满足度缺乏、生态理性缺失和法律理性先天不足等方面。应着力开发公民公益诉讼动力。 相似文献
253.
In this paper, we study the MDPDE (minimizing a density power divergence estimator), proposed by Basu et al. (Biometrika 85:549–559,
1998), for mixing distributions whose component densities are members of some known parametric family. As with the ordinary
MDPDE, we also consider a penalized version of the estimator, and show that they are consistent in the sense of weak convergence.
A simulation result is provided to illustrate the robustness. Finally, we apply the penalized method to analyzing the red
blood cell SLC data presented in Roeder (J Am Stat Assoc 89:487–495, 1994).
This research was supported (in part) by KOSEF through Statistical Research Center for Complex Systems at Seoul National University. 相似文献
254.
Walters SJ 《Pharmaceutical statistics》2009,8(2):163-169
Pre‐study sample size calculations for clinical trial research protocols are now mandatory. When an investigator is designing a study to compare the outcomes of an intervention, an essential step is the calculation of sample sizes that will allow a reasonable chance (power) of detecting a pre‐determined difference (effect size) in the outcome variable, at a given level of statistical significance. Frequently studies will recruit fewer patients than the initial pre‐study sample size calculation suggested. Investigators are faced with the fact that their study may be inadequately powered to detect the pre‐specified treatment effect and the statistical analysis of the collected outcome data may or may not report a statistically significant result. If the data produces a “non‐statistically significant result” then investigators are frequently tempted to ask the question “Given the actual final study size, what is the power of the study, now, to detect a treatment effect or difference?” The aim of this article is to debate whether or not it is desirable to answer this question and to undertake a power calculation, after the data have been collected and analysed. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
255.
国民性、主体性、功能性的错综与纠缠——鲁迅对东亚封建宗法伦理中皇权思想的反思 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
在鲁迅看来,皇权思想与国民性之间具有密切的关联。在东亚,日本的皇权思想主要造成了主体性丧失问题,中国的皇权思想主要表现为国民性问题,同时又在一定程度上表现为主体性问题。而这也使鲁迅从对国民性的批判转向对皇权的批判。但他的困境在于:皇权思想不但造成国民性问题,融入国民个体的灵魂,而且其所行使的功能性也融入了整个国家和现代化运动的灵魂。 相似文献
256.
257.
中华人民共和国成立以前,云南西北部怒江、独龙江流域居住的独龙族、怒族等邻近族群之间存在着一种共通的"议式语言".这种仪式语言通过宗教祭祀活动以及分享杀牲后的肉食过程体现出来.在这一地域社会中,各种社会、政治和经济关系都依赖于这种仪式语言展开.虽然目前这种分享的仪式日渐式微,但分享的意识依然体现着族群内部的"社会结合"方式.通过独龙族仪式语言的个案分析,旨在与利奇关于克钦社会的"仪式语言"研究进行对话. 相似文献
258.
Huang Wei 《Social Sciences in China》2017,38(4):45-66
Voting procedure is an important mechanism for public choice in collective bodies such as international organizations. This paper measures and compares IMF member countries’ voting power before the 2008 reform and after the 2010 reform on the basis of datasets on IMF quotas and voting rights distribution provided by IMF. Our study verifies that IMF’s quotas and voting rights reforms do help to reduce the voting power gap among member countries. The 2008 and 2010 reforms produce a greater improvement in emerging members’ voting power under the 70 percent majority rule than the 85 percent rule; the 70 percent majority rule means the United States would lose its absolute veto. Moreover, the paper disproves the underlying assumption that regards a member’s voting power as proportional to its voting rights. Countries with different amounts of voting rights can still have the same voting power. 相似文献
259.
Bernhard Rieder 《Information, Communication & Society》2017,20(1):100-117
ABSTRACTThis paper outlines the notion of ‘algorithmic technique’ as a middle ground between concrete, implemented algorithms and the broader study and theorization of software. Algorithmic techniques specify principles and methods for doing things in the medium of software and they thus constitute units of knowledge and expertise in the domain of software making. I suggest that algorithmic techniques are a suitable object of study for the humanities and social science since they capture the central technical principles behind actual software, but can generally be described in accessible language. To make my case, I focus on the field of information ordering and, first, discuss the wider historical trajectory of formal or ‘mechanical’ reasoning applied to matters of commerce and government before, second, moving to the investigation of a particular algorithmic technique, the Bayes classifier. This technique is explicated through a reading of the original work of M. E. Maron in the early 1960 and presented as a means to subject empirical, ‘datafied’ reality to an interested reading that confers meaning to each variable in relation to an operational goal. After a discussion of the Bayes classifier in relation to the question of power, the paper concludes by coming back to its initial motive and argues for increased attention to algorithmic techniques in the study of software. 相似文献
260.
Helena Zeweri 《International Feminist Journal of Politics》2017,19(4):441-455
This article analyzes how the category of “Afghan women” and discourses of precarity intersect within the women’s empowerment regime in Afghanistan. By examining an NGO that seeks to empower women through writing, I argue that staff members draw upon precarity as a go-to logic to describe the state of Afghan women writers’ successes under conditions of insecurity and limited communication. Specifically, it is writers’ desires to subvert their social orders and to carve out their own futures that staff members and writing coordinators frame as subject to potential destruction. While recent work has highlighted the importance of recognizing the precarious lifeworlds of vulnerable populations, this article points to the potential implications of a hyper-recognition of precarity – namely, the obscuring of the complexities of individual women’s past and present realities. Through analyzing the pedagogies of one empowerment NGO working with women in a post-9/11 Afghanistan, I show how the logic of precarity is concerned with the vulnerability of women’s desires and sentiments, rather than their material and political vulnerabilities. It is thus deeply inflected by a historically situated “common sense” about which potentialities and aspirations are inherent to Afghan women. 相似文献