“文化翻身”的可能及限度——1958年“新民歌运动”中“工农创作”现象研究

在1958年的“新民歌运动”中,“工农”诗人的“文化翻身”,既有“真实”的一面,又有“虚幻”的一面;既是一种“解放”,又不是真正的“解放”;既存在“翻身”的“可能”,又是有“限度”的“翻身”。“工农”诗人经历了“无权说”到“有权说”,从“无法说”到“学会说”,从“不敢说”到“大胆说”的“文化翻身”的过程。而“新民歌”的生产方式、创作主体对“解放”的短视以及意识形态的伦理诉求,则是规限“工农”实现真正“文化翻身”的显性或隐蔽因素。     

梁启超的妇女解放思想

梁启超揭露女性缠足的危害,发起建立不缠足会;抨击女性不可接受教育的论调,认为女性和男性一样可以接受教育;阐明女性早婚的五大弊端,呼吁晚婚晚育;赞同西方女权主义,主张通过“自动”和“有阶段”两步骤倡导女权,从戒缠足、兴女学、禁早婚、倡女权四方面构建出其妇女解放思想的大致轮廓。     

交往·资本·共产主义--论马克思对“人的解放”的探索

马克思的哲学,就是关于“人的解放何以可能”的学说。在马克思看来,在以资本为标志的资本主义社会中,交往扩大所造成的物化和中介化、资本的同一性逻辑的强制以及原有虚幻共产主义严重的制约着人的自由和全面发展。因此,要实现人的解放,就必须在世界历史的发展中破解交往的物化和中介化,瓦解资本的同一性逻辑,摆脱虚幻共产主义的诱惑,在共产主义的现实运动中实现人的解放。     

论灾后重建中的党内民主建设

灾后重建中党的建设特别是党内民主建设先行一步,指相对于其他重建工作,党的建设应该以新的思路及早谋划安排;相对于其他非地震灾区,灾区党的建设更应率先创新,力图走出一条新路;相对于其他一般地区,绵阳作为中国科技城,其创新的理念理应在党的建设上得到体现;相对于其他党建任务,北川等极重灾区完全可以在党的建设特别是党内民主建设上迈出更大步伐。先行一步重点在于“四个致力于”,遵循原则在于“四个着眼于”,保障条件在于“四个依赖于”。     

制约思想解放的主体性因素探析

从生理和心理、主体与客体、认识与价值三个层面揭示制约思想解放的主体性因素,指出改造主观世界是永无止境的过程,党的十一届三中全会意义重大。     

论社会主义民主政治发展中的思想解放问题

解放思想是发展中国特色社会主义的一大法宝。发展社会主义民主政治是我们党始终不渝的奋斗目标，而要发展中国特色社会主义民主政治，就必须大力使用解放思想这一法宝。文章分析了改革开放以来思想解放对社会主义民主政治发展的巨大推动作用，探讨了在新形势下，通过解放思想来促进政治体制改革、发展社会主义民主政治时必须坚持的基本原则及其内在要求。     

从经济翻身到精神翻身、人性解放——解放区文学中翻身农民的复杂心态、多元诉求与当代反思

解放区农民翻身有两种类型——被动式翻身和主动式翻身。解放区文学文本呈现了翻身农民复杂的思想冲突及其心态嬗变过程。马加的《夫妻识字》、孔厥的《受苦人》等作品体现出一种迥异的、可贵的精神翻身与人性解放意识。从农民如何获得彻底解放的问题意识出发，联系当代现实，反思解放区农民翻身解放的局限性可知，农民在政治翻身和经济翻身之后，继而在精神文化、思想意识上翻身才是一种走向终极意义上的解放，才有可能彻底摆脱封建道德、地主威权等“他者”依附性阴影，建构现代主体的独立人格，达到“人的自身解放”。     

Suicidal behaviour in transition‐aged youth with out‐of‐home care experience: Reviewing risk,assessment, and intervention

The rates of suicidal behaviours in youth with out‐of‐home care experience, particularly those who are on the verge of emancipation, appear to be alarmingly high. The purpose of the current study is to highlight the rates of suicidal ideation and behaviour in these youth, illuminating the empirical risk factors that may increase their vulnerability. We offer a review of screening measures and suicide interventions that may hold promise for administrators, practitioners, and researchers who wish to provide comprehensive assessment for transition‐aged youth with out‐of‐home care experiences and effectively treat those who may be at the highest risk.     

The Family and Social Networks of Recently Discharged Foster Youth

Many youth leave foster care with disrupted relationships with family and others in their social networks. Previous research has documented the severe adversity that former foster youth face in the transition to young adulthood. Some of these difficulties are at least partially related to a lack of social support that results from frayed relationships. The purpose of this research was to examine the role that social support plays in the transition to adulthood. It was hypothesized that foster youth with higher levels of social support would make more successful adaptations to early adulthood than youth without that support. Ninety-seven former foster youth were followed for 2 years. Youth reported low levels of “feeling close to parents,” but higher levels of “closeness” were expressed for other relatives. Findings were mixed. Organizational involvement and having many “close” friends were associated with better outcomes. On the other hand, family contact and family support was inversely associated with resiliency. The implications of these findings are discussed.     

Citizenship, ‘rubbished’ dissidents and local restoration of the dead – the execution of Luri political activists in south-western Iran

The paper's focus is a critical moment in the trajectory of the Islamic state in Iran, the trace of which was still discernible in the presidential election of 2009. It draws on ethnographic research among the Lurs of south-western Iran between 1979–1982 to examine the impact of the abolition of politics as contested representations at the centre on a ‘remote’ periphery. The end of a short-lived political activity, as a distinct form of power, in Iran in 1981 was earmarked by mass executions of which only 1600 had been officially counted for the period of 20 June to September 1981 (Amnesty International). The executed were guilty of expressing dissent against divine rule of which the Islamic state was an embodiment. Although the Lurs paid a less heavy penalty for this ‘crime’ than elsewhere in the country the survivors' response to the loss of a young relative in the hands of Islamic executioners was noticeably muted. The response is looked at as the restoration of the status of the dead to the executed relative whose body had been ‘rubbished’ – wrapped in an American flag and abandoned unburied in a desolate place by the Muslim executioners. The paper argues ‘rubbishing’ signified the annihilation of citizenship under the Islamic rule in which the body of the citizen is seen as harbouring ‘the most corrupt’ subject, the sinner who could not even be ‘rectified’ through a less destructive use of force – flogging and mutilation. It, therefore, had to be disposed of – ‘rubbished’. The survivors, on the other hand, by confining themselves to the symbolic return of the executed relative to the community left unacknowledged his quest for equality and liberty. By their reluctance to remember and recount the executed's words and deeds the survivors refused to grant him the ‘immortality’ of a citizen whose death outlived his destruction. The brutal suppression of political agency at the centre and its muted recognition in the periphery are explained as a negation of political power. The power entails postponing the use of force to the last resort thus allowing plurality as a human condition to be realised. Consequent on this realisation is the publicly contested opinions by many who would inevitably challenge the truths guarded by few both at the centre and periphery. It was this challenge that led the ruling mullahs to invoke the Koranic Truths to annihilate the disseminators of opinions. The unspoken citizenship of the annihilated dissidents in the periphery served in turn to reassert the Lurs' historically cherished otherness geared to the use of force. The citizenship called for a discursive inclusion of Lurs, through the use of ‘the pen’, in a wider world, by postponing the use of force. In contrast, the traditional Luri rebels relied heavily on an immediate use of force, through the celebrated ‘rifle’, to perpetuate their perceived inaccessibility. Resistance leads to emancipation, the paper argues, when the particularised subjectivity of local actors is superseded in the universal – objectified – political space in which the agent, i.e. the citizen, overrides the boundaries within which localness is reproduced.