"鞍钢宪法"的历史教训与我国跨越式发展战略

组织革命是跨越式发展的基础。战后以来 ,西方发达国家的经济组织正经历着从福特制向后福特制的转变。“鞍钢宪法”与日本模式曾同为后福特制的先驱 ,但与日本模式启发了知识经济在组织上的变革有很大不同 ,不利的国际结构制约条件、制度变迁的路径依赖以及对生态资源条件的不恰当认识等使“鞍钢宪法”无法成长为未来组织演变的基础。“鞍钢宪法”为我国跨越式发展战略提供了重要启示 :对世界发展潮流高度敏感并对直觉意识不断反思 ;利用传统的文化和组织资源实现制度创新 ;不断突破思维和视野的局限 ;探索后福特制在我国发展的道路     

Employees' perceptions of skill and some implications for training in three UK manufacturing firms

The concept of skill has been the subject of much debate in academic literature, particularly in relation to the proposed shift between the Fordist and post-Fordist production paradigms. In the context of this debate, this article explores the perceptions of skill held by employees in three UK manufacturing organizations. It shows that, in some firms, the nature of work remains Taylorist, and that this can have implications for employees' perceptions of skill and firms training practices.     

资本主义的劳动过程:从福特主义向后福特主义转变

20世纪70年代以来,西方激进学者进一步扩展了马克思的劳动过程理论,认为资本主义劳动过程处于福特主义阶段。以流水线作业、劳资集体谈判为特征的福特主义大规模生产存在着内在缺陷,这种内在缺陷导致的福特主义危机使资本主义劳动过程向后福特主义转变。后福特主义劳动过程使资本主义社会中劳资之间、资本之间、生产和消费之间的关系发生了重大变化。     

Post‐Fordist reconfigurations of gender,work and life: theory and practice

Based on an in‐depth study with 56 informants (25 women and 31 men), across the ICT (information and communication technology), creative and academic sectors in one city/regional hub in Ireland, this article investigates the so‐called revolution in work/life practices associated with the post‐Fordist labour processes of the Knowledge Economy from the perspectives of workers themselves. Recent theorizations of post‐Fordist work patterns emphasize a rearranging of work and life place boundaries; a reconfiguring of work and life time boundaries; and a dissolving of the gendered boundaries of work and life (production and social reproduction) (Adkins and Dever 2014 ; Morini and Fumagalli 2010 ; Gill and Pratt 2008 ; Weeks 2007 ; Hardt and Negri 2004 ). Our findings suggest that, instead of dissolving boundaries, workers constantly struggle to draw boundaries between what counts as work and as life, and that this varies primarily in relation to gender and stage in a gendered life trajectory. Work extensification is compensated for via a perceived freedom to shape one's own life, which is articulated in terms of individualized boundary‐drawing. While younger men embraced ‘always on’ work, they also articulated anxieties about how these work habits might interfere with family aspirations. This was also true for younger women who also struggled to make time for life in the present. For mothers, boundary drawing was articulated as a necessity but was framed more in terms of personal choice by fathers. Although all participants distinguished between paid work and life as distinct sites of value, boundaries were individually drawn and resist any easy mapping of masculinity and femininity onto the domains of work and life. Instead, we argue that it is the process of boundary drawing that reveals gendered patterns. The personalized struggles of these relatively privileged middle‐class workers centre on improving the quality of their lives, but raise important questions about the political possibilities within and beyond the world of post‐Fordist labour.     

Thinking with the Sardinian: Antonio Gramsci and social work

Antonio Gramsci (1891–1937), who died over 70 years ago, produced a complex body of theorisation which is mostly ignored within social work. In this paper it is maintained that there are a number of obstacles presented for those reading Gramsci. Nonetheless, these obstacles should not deter us from trying to engage with Gramsci. After briefly outlining his biography, the article focuses on just two of his key thematic preoccupations. First, the related ideas of Americanism, Fordism and Taylorism; second, the concept of hegemony. Although conceding that there are problems with his work, it will be argued that these theoretical formulations continue to be of potential use and might aid our understanding of social work and related forms of activity during a period of neoliberal inspired transformations. Furthermore, thinking with Gramsci, and other social theorists, might enable the social professions to help construct counter hegemonic strategies.     

Compromising positions: emergent neo-Fordisms and embedded gender contracts

This paper adopts a regulation framework to chart the emergence of neo-Fordism as a flexible accumulation regime and mode of social regulation. Neo-Fordism relies on old Fordist principles as well as incorporating new models of emergent post-Fordisms; old and new social relationships, in their particular combination, specify the trajectory of national variants. I argue that Fordist bargains institutionalized the terms of a compromise between labour, capital and the state. These bargains embedded a male-breadwinner gender contract compromising women's positions and standardizing employment contracts around the needs, interests and authority of men. A focus on compromises and contracts makes visible the differentiated gender effects of work transformation in each country.     

Stopping the ‘War on the Car’: Neoliberalism,Fordism, and the Politics of Automobility in Toronto

Abstract

This article interrogates the politics of automobility in Toronto under the regime of mayor Rob Ford, who came to power in 2010 promising to ‘stop the war on the car.’ The election of Ford, and the thrust of his subsequent agenda, came as a surprise to many in the city, due to Toronto’s reputation as a cosmopolitan diverse transit-friendly global city. The Toronto case study allows for the analysis of the relationships between Fordism, automobility, and the politics and rationalities of neoliberalism. Instead of seeing neoliberalism as something external or imposed, its contested politics are rooted in diverging social and economic interests directly derived from Fordism and the system of automobility, with opposing political-economic factions both drawing on different elements of neoliberalism. Authoritarian populist neoliberal regimes like the Ford administration in Toronto, and the roll-back austerity they promote, are not antithetical to automobile Fordism, but on the contrary represent an attempt to protect and reinvigorate it in the face of the forces of de-industrialization and financialization. As such they receive their support from social groups irrevocably invested in the continuation, and irrationalities, of the Fordist system of automobility. This has implications for how the politics of neoliberalism might unfold in the future.