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91.
Political campaigns require constant performance from politicians. This presents ample opportunity for the occurrence of political gaffes. While it is not surprising that political gaffes can have a major impact on political campaigns, the process by which a gaffe is transformed into a meaning‐laden defining campaign event is underanalyzed. To address this, we analyze and reconstruct the media trajectory of three instances, two involving Senate candidates (George Allen and Todd Akin) and one a presidential candidate (Mitt Romney), in which gaffes were constructed into meaning‐laden events. We find that constructing a political gaffe as a meaning‐laden event is a deeply social process. Our research highlights the impact of sousveillance (surveillance from below) and the difficulty that political performers have maintaining consistent “authentic” performances. Recounting the trajectories of these three gaffes allows for a detailing of the diverse methods by which the hybrid media system was effectively mobilized by “carrier agents” (actors with narrative capacity and media know‐how). Further, we find that these gaffes proved particularly salient because they were interpreted as embodying an authentic representation of the candidate while simultaneously violating emergent norms of inclusive democratic public discourse.  相似文献   
92.
As with the earlier downturn of the Great Depression, the current global economic crisis has revived direct government intervention in the marketplace. It has also stimulated wider contemporary debates on the role of government in financial markets that feature not just funding issues, but questions of regulation and social legitimacy, and a greater acknowledgement of distinctive national–international tensions rather than a converging consensus around continuing to deregulate a global market. This article seeks to provide historical perspectives to these debates by considering the role of government, with the involvement of public relations, during economic changes in Israel. It focuses on major campaigns in Israel around the roles, and inter-sector disputes, of three major sectors: agriculture during the first half of the 20th century; industrialization from the 1960s to the 1990s; and commerce and competition from the 1990s into the 21st century. The article tracks these three historical transformations as part of Israel's gradual shifting from a nation economy toward a global economy. It concludes that, in the present downturn, the Israeli experiences offer a reminder of the impact of communication campaigns, interwoven with national identity, on economic changes, and the potential for public relations strategies and tactics to have long-term effects.  相似文献   
93.
Using qualitative content analysis, this study employs agenda building and framing to examine e-mail messages from Susan G. Komen for the Cure and the Komen Advocacy Alliance to determine strategies for communicating about breast cancer and inspiring involvement in nonprofit advocacy and fundraising efforts. Three types of messages, nine frames, and various tactics emerged among 50 messages sent during 1 year. Theoretical implications and practical applications for public relations and fundraising professionals are discussed.  相似文献   
94.
ABSTRACT

Advocacy and social justice initiatives for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer and questioning (LGBTQ) clients in counseling emphasize counselor and client collaboration in challenging discrimination and oppression and promoting LGBTQ inclusive sociopolitical changes. Although researchers have highlighted the counseling and advocacy needs of LGBTQ populations, few have yet examined processes for assessing the outcomes of advocacy efforts. Advocacy evaluation may provide counselors and counseling organizations with a framework for monitoring and assessing the outcomes of LGBTQ advocacy initiatives. The authors discuss the goals and elements of advocacy evaluation and review the LGBTQ Counseling Advocacy Evaluation Self Assessment.  相似文献   
95.
“周人尚赤”说的历史考察   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
胡新生 《文史哲》2005,(2):91-97
战国时代儒家提出的“周人尚赤”说,是通过夸大周人习用红色牺牲等个别事实的意义构拟的一种假说,它与西周春秋时代战旗尚白、礼服尚黑的历史实际相抵牾,故难以成立。儒家对“周人尚赤”的论证一开始就相当牵强,秦汉学者特别是董仲舒的一些补充,说明其已完全陷入不顾史实随意演绎的误区。将崇尚某种颜色列为一朝典制是从秦朝开始的,在此之前并不存在与“秦尚黑”类同的制度。“周人崇尚什么颜色”和“周朝属于五德中的哪一德”一样,都基于错误的理论预设,因而带有伪问题的性质。总体来看,“周人尚赤”说对于今人研究周代礼制没有太大的参考价值,轻信此说并据之推论周代的相关文化现象,极易得出错误的结论。  相似文献   
96.
During election campaigns, political parties deliver statements on salient issues in the news media, which are called issue positions. This article conceptualizes issue positions as a valued and longitudinal two-mode network of parties by issues. The network is valued because parties pronounce pro or con positions on issues in more or less extreme ways. It is longitudinal because the media report new statements of parties on issues each new day.  相似文献   
97.
This study examines how an LGBT advocacy organization and a mental illness advocacy organization influence cultural byproducts that result in stereotypes. Burke's (1989) redemption ritual is adapted as a framework for conceptualizing the process that occurs when an advocacy organization expresses discontent with a cultural producer's byproducts.  相似文献   
98.
Abstract

This article reports and analyzes findings of a mixed-methods study which examined correlations between select organizational factorsbudget size, staff size, age, local government funding, and leadership-and the advocacy behavior of human service agencies in Washington, DC. Surveys were sent to 100 agency executive directors, and 43 were returned. Follow-up interviews with staff from the five highest scoring and five lowest scoring agencies are reported. Findings show that budget size, staff size, leadership, and local government funding are positively correlated to agency advocacy behavior. Barriers and enhancements to agency advocacy behavior are also discussed.  相似文献   
99.
Although outsiders have played an important role in social protest in the U.S., outsiders’ role in the U.S. labor movement has been the focus of spirited debate. Debate about outsider organizers, in particular, reached a fevered pitch in the late 1990s, and continues today. This paper scrutinizes two of the core assumptions of this debate: that insider and outsider organizers operate differently on union recognition campaigns, and that workers respond to them differently in these settings. We analyzed 153 in-depth interviews with workers and organizers conducted at the height of the debate, in order to answer two questions: What is the role of outsider organizers during private sector union recognition campaigns, and how do outsider organizers secure workers’ consent in these settings? All of the organizers in our data-set were graduates of the AFL-CIO’s Organizing Institute, and 64 of them were outsiders. The outsider organizers in our data-set confronted barriers that insider organizers did not, including workers’ concerns about their youth, inexperience and lack of professionalism, and their own inability to relate to workers. While many critics of outsider organizers claim that these barriers are insurmountable, we found the opposite to be true. The vast majority of outsider organizers in our data-set successfully secured workers’ consent by demonstrating commitment, building relationships, and being honest and forthright. After proposing changes in organizer training and leadership development in response to these findings, we conclude with a brief discussion of the enduring debate about outsiders’ role in social protest in the U.S.  相似文献   
100.
In this essay, we confront the “conventional wisdoms” promoted throughout this long presidential campaign. By conventional wisdoms, we mean the common knowledge of politics—the things that commentators and analysts forward as taken‐for‐granted assertions and beliefs. We will revisit just a few of the campaign season’s conventional wisdoms and review them with a sociological eye. In so doing, we find that in politics, as in most other areas, conventional wisdom can be a risky source of knowledge.  相似文献   
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