宪法司法化的理论困境和现实出路

由齐玉苓诉陈晓琪案引发了宪法司法化的大讨论,对于宪法司法化的理解有两种立场:法律解释学立场和法律政策学立场。笔者认为,基于宪法的二重性和中国大陆法系的传统和具体实际,建构中国的宪法司法化制度只能采取法律政策学的立场。     

2009年中东大选述评

2009年,以色列、伊朗和阿富汗等中东国家相继举行大选。以色列"利库德集团"时隔四年重执权柄,伊朗保守派竞选连任成功,阿富汗普什图族则再掌政权。中东大选表现出社会政治发展的转型性和国家安全的现实威胁性两大共性特征,而不同的历史文化又使其表现出政治发展道路的多样性和政治发展水平的不平衡性等个性特征。一系列大选将对"巴以和平进程"、"伊朗核问题"和"阿富汗重建"产生一定的影响。     

街区邻里政治的动员路径与二重维度——以社区居委会为中心的分析

将后单位时代都市街区中的"邻里政治"置于多元行动者的论域之中,讨论国家-社会在持续绵延的日常生活层面的遭遇,旨在将国家-社会的研究范式切换至"邻里日常生活中的行动者",以此为切口,考察社区居委会在邻里空间的权力操作策略和运作逻辑,居委会动员群众参与、争取居民认同的技术与手段,以及国家权力如何通过代理人的行动和话语渗透到市民日常生活.邻里政治展现的不同行动形式和实践逻辑,从根本上彰显了邻里政治的二重维度,即以居委会为中心的"情理政治"和以物业运作为中心的"法理政治".由居委会运作的"情理政治"是国家出于政权建设需要的自上而下的制度性安排,呈现出"居委会-典型群众(积极分子)-居民"的传统二次动员路径,贯穿于其中的重要因子是面子、人情、互惠、信任等地方性社会资源.     

中世纪文本的“恶罗斯”叙事解析

关于罗斯的最早记载,是穆斯林和拜占庭人做的,由此先入为主地形成了"恶罗斯"叙事。中世纪的"恶罗斯"叙事,是西方世界"厌俄"情结的发生学文本,由穆斯林文本的罗斯"萨底"(Suttee)叙事和拜占庭文本的"复仇"叙事建构而成,其实质是西方阐释政治学的话语型构与合法性言说。     

艺术政治学的乌托邦——关于马尔库塞的《审美之维》

马尔库塞批判了正统马克思主义美学将艺术内容与形式割裂开来、将内容凌驾于形式之上的美学方法。他认为艺术的价值存在于＂审美形式＂——即形式和内容相结合的整体中,不过最终落脚点在政治的＂审美的社会政治理论＂观点深具梦幻的乌托邦性质。     

中国南海海洋政治战略研究——论南海争端中的中国作为

就中国目前的海洋政治形势而言,南海争端已成为全球热点.从南海争端的问题属性来看,这是一个多元的、系统化的、结构化不良的政治问题,是一个重要而紧急的战略问题.从南海争端中的战略格局来看,中国面临内外双重战略压力,面临着战争与和平的两难选择.为此,中国应采取系统性的战略措施积极应对南海争端,站在国家战略角度从各层面、各领域展开实质性行动,在做好积极维护主权准备的同时,争取用政治与外交手段和平解决南海争端.     

WHAT MAKES THE LOCAL? A BRIEF CONSIDERATION OF THE REJUVENATION OF HONG KONG IDENTITY

This paper ascertains what makes the local and why the local is important, in the context of change in Hong Kong due to the political transition to PRC sovereignty.In doing so, I hope to pose a modest polemical challenge to cultural studies' tendency to overlook seemingly simplistic empirical information. The return of Hong Kong to China in 1997 has led to a contraction of the political sphere, as the convergence of political structures curbed the development of local identities. The label or category ‘Hong Kong people’ was then appropriated with a specific meaning for the local to resist encroachment of the national. It was true that the high intensity of dominant national discourses during the political transition created a favourable atmosphere for re-nationalization. However, as soon as the political transition was over, Hong Kongers re-adhered to their own label in their struggle for cultural autonomy.Their strong cultural affect toward various national icons during the transition quickly diminished. This multiyear discourse study (1996–1998), which utilizes social scientific methods in conjunction with cultural theories, illustrates important political and methodological impulses necessary for the formulation of a socio-political approach to cultural studies within the Hong Kong context.     

BORDERS BE DAMNED: CREOLIZING LITERARY RELATIONS

Conventional literary practices have always been used to perpetuate an us/them binary that reduces potential discussions concerning diversity, transnationalism or hybridization to a simplified relationship between dominant and subordinate categories. This article proposes that in order to avoid this predicament, cultural critics should move beyond ‘vertical’ methods of analysis and instead employ intercultural models which lend themselves to a consideration of the horizontal affiliations that can be found among women writers of colour. By engaging the writings of Jessica Hagedorn, Hisaye Yamamoto and Sandra Cisneros, the article argues that multicultural analysis enables an understanding of these (social, cultural and political) affiliations between racialized women in the United States. Further, it suggests that by comparing, contrasting, and interfacing emergent literary practices within current theories of cultural and feminist studies, critics will develop a ‘creolized’ approach which will help facilitate new alliances and sensitivity among the disenfranchised.     

谁的发展?

文章为“第四届中国农村发展研究博士生学术论坛”的综述性论文.这一届论坛具有鲜明的反思与批判取向,主题即为“谁的发展?”.文章第一部分是对论坛主题内涵的阐释,指出“谁的发展?”是一种将发展问题再政治化的提问方式,发展的政治性应该得到充分的讨论;第二部分主要介绍了论坛嘉宾中国人民大学农业与农村发展学院院长温铁军教授的主题演讲;第三部分是对各位参会者研讨内容的择要介绍.     

‘Indigenous Rights’ or ‘Racial Privileges’: The Rhetoric of ‘Race’ in New Zealand Politics

The New Zealand parliamentary election campaign of 2005 was marked by a significant break in the consensus between the two major political parties, Labour and National, in the area of Maori affairs: a consensus that had previously been articulated in terms of a shared commitment to ‘biculturalism’ and the Treaty of Waitangi. In January 2004, the National Party launched an attack on government policies, describing them as giving unfair privileges to Maori based purely on ‘race’. The present paper examines the National Party's adoption of the rhetoric of ‘race’ and the conceptual, political and ideological considerations behind it. It also examines attitudinal, social policy and socioeconomic factors to explain the widespread acceptability of this rhetoric among the New Zealand public. These events are considered within the context of a growing academic and political critique of ‘culturalism’ in New Zealand social policy and social science.