Climate justice and sustained transnational mobilization

ABSTRACT

Samir Amin’s final essay called for the creation of a new international organization of progressive social forces. Here I review evidence from twenty-first century transnational movements germane for understanding the likelihood of the emergence of such an international organization and the issues and sectors most likely to facilitate coalitional unity. More specifically, the ecological crises identified by Amin in the form of global warming and climate change have created an unprecedented global environmental threat capable of unifying diverse social strata across the planet. The climate justice movement has already established a global infrastructure and template to coordinate a new international organization for confronting neoliberal forms of globalization. Pre-existing movement organizing around environmental racism, climate justice in the global South, and recent intersectional mobilizations serve as promising models for building an enduring international organization that will represent subaltern groups and have a substantial impact on world politics.     

The racialized patterns of police violence: The critical importance of research as praxis

The tragic killing of George Floyd at the hands of the police resulted in hundreds of thousands of protestors marching in the streets demanding change. The call for change criticized the killing of Blacks by law enforcement and challenged White supremacy as an institution of social control and racial violence. A key component of the marches and protests was a message to the residents of the United States: “Black Lives Matter.” As society grapples with a reckoning, researchers studying police violence for the past 6 decades have been empirically and theoretically debating the reasons why use of force by law enforcement continues to have a higher proportion of Black and Brown victims compared to Whites. Although the research on fatal police killings was studied by only a small number of individuals prior to 2014, after the killing of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri the research in different areas of the country increased rapidly as did the forms of analysis and research disciplines making their own contributions. The Washington Post and Guardian news agencies established that deaths at the hands of the police were occurring for at least 900 to 1100 individual deaths per year for which firearms resulted in the greatest cause of death. As US government agencies failed to produce a national data source on police involved killings, the media took a leading role in providing greater national understanding. The authors examine what role academic researchers contribute to the discussion for solutions, particularly those from marginalized backgrounds. As protestors march, lawyers sue and defend, and politicians create new forms of legislation, researchers need to play a more important role initiating critical studies, making sense of the data, and providing a theoretical framework for which police violence can be understood. This article will provide an overview of the literature on racialized police violence, point out key patterns involving racial and ethnic disparities, and emphasize how researchers can play a more important role in advocating for change.     

Shall we follow the money? Anti-mafia policies and electoral competition

Building upon the evidence that the mafia increases the degree of vote concentration, we use data on regional elections in Sicily to estimate the impact of anti-mafia policies on electoral competition. We find robust evidence that the reassignment for social purposes of property and assets seized to the mafia reduces the degree of electoral concentration. This result supports the hypothesis that policies that create social value, such as the reallocation to social-driven organizations, are more effective than those targeted to public and political institutions.     

在公正与效率之间:证人出庭作证制度的困境和出路

证人出庭作证问题,涉及证明标准与法律假设、法律规则与法律标准、诉讼效率与诉讼成本、自利偏见与社会效应等诸多方面。证人不出庭作证的规范依据仍然存在、证人出庭作证的权利和义务不对等、配套措施不完善等原因,导致证人不愿意出庭。美国辩诉交易制度在很大程度上减少了开庭刑事案件的数量,其关于书面陈述的规定也减少了证人出庭作证的需求,在一定程度上实现了被告人人权保护和公共利益的平衡,值得借鉴。完善证人出庭作证制度,应以案件"客观需要"为标准,以追求事实真相为出发点,以人权保护和人性回归为落脚点,遵循限制性处罚原则和禁止利益冲突原则,提高相关规定的可操作性。因此,不宜盲目追求证人高出庭作证率。     

对中国社会经济改革进程中收入不平等的认知:一个同期群组的分析

不同群组在对收入不平等的态度上是否会因为个人经历不同的时代背景而产生差异?运用2005年中国综合社会调查的数据,比较四组拥有不同时代背景经历的群组,在转型期对收入不平等的看法。研究结果显示,年龄较老的群组对于收入不平等持有更多批评而年轻群组则对收入不平等有着更为宽容的态度,考虑不同群组中的不同自身利益之后并不能大幅度降低人们对收入不平等的态度上的差异。研究进一步表明,更重要的中介因素是人们对社会公正的信念。     

解码“中国经济增长”

消费是人类经济增长最初也是最终的目的，单纯为了经济增长速度、为了增加就业、为了出口创汇等，可能脱离经济发展的消费目的，未必有利于真正的经济增长。新时期中国理想的经济增长必须考虑以下六个制约因素，即居民增长的消费需求、资源的供给、环境容量、国际竞争力、科技创新和制度。关键是突出消费作为增长的目的，抛弃狭隘的速度思维，将环境保护放在首位，以分配公平为前提，建立有责任约束的经济增长机制。     

Decency and the Liberal International (Dis)Order: Moral Limits and the Possibilities of a Global Pluralist Politics

This article analyzes the tension between the liberal ideals of freedom and equality and cultural difference. It argues that decency has become intertwined with the fragility of the liberal international order by providing a problematic threshold of international justice. The idea is that as global pressures mount for protecting the human dignity of persons/peoples, they also congeal or harden decency’s political and social constraints (impartiality, neutrality, and basic rights enforcement) on engaging others. Decency as a moral threshold of international justice, the article claims, has become static or a self-reinforcing limitation. This contradictory decency/dignity dynamic of the liberal international order not only explains how states have aggressively asserted their interests by absorbing these constraints, but also how politics can limit the pragmatic potential to bridge the various social gaps in values and belief systems. This article seeks to conceptualize a pluralist ethos that shows how such constraints can be reimagined as, or turned into, the conditions of possibility/freedom that transition us to a global pluralist politics. It concludes with a discussion of the refugee crisis and Islamism, showing how both cases resonate the felt stigmatization and alienation within the liberal international order.     

Modes of Practice and the Dual Mission of Social Work

Abstract

This study examines the commitment of social work in various countries to its declared dual missionenhancing individual well-being and promoting social justice. It does so by examining the mode of practice preferences of graduating BSW students from seven countries. Based on cluster analysis, three distinct subgroups of students with particular patterns of preferences were found: a generic group, a direct/micro group, and a macro group. The distribution of students among these groups differs between country cohorts. While each of the clusters was to be found in all the countries studied, in three country cohorts, a majority of students belonged to the generic group and a considerable number sought to engage in macro practice, reflecting a commitment to the profession's dual focus. The majority of the students within the remaining country cohorts preferred micro practice and were far less willing to adopt macro level practices.     

“So Tell Me,Why Do Women Need Something Different?”

SUMMARY

There has been a dramatic increase in the number of women in the criminal justice system over the past two decades, creating the need for gender-specific responses and programs in jails, prisons, and community corrections. Systems must adapt to appropriately respond to women and their families. Institutions and community-based organizations must help women to deal with their histories of trauma, violence, and substance abuse. One gender-specific, strength-based, community model for support is presented.     

寓言与民主

民主问题是当前的热点问题,中国民主问题屡遭西方国家的指责。民主是一种社会制度,没有普适的民主。我们需要借鉴西方民主发展的成果,但民主建设只能走自己的道路。在此将通过三则寓言,对什么是民主、专制做出阐释,对民主建设提供有益的思索。无论正确与否,这种探索都是有意义的,这本身就体现了民主。