全文获取类型
收费全文 | 2941篇 |
免费 | 88篇 |
国内免费 | 17篇 |
专业分类
管理学 | 23篇 |
民族学 | 68篇 |
人才学 | 1篇 |
人口学 | 61篇 |
丛书文集 | 397篇 |
理论方法论 | 188篇 |
综合类 | 1743篇 |
社会学 | 547篇 |
统计学 | 18篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 1篇 |
2023年 | 14篇 |
2022年 | 23篇 |
2021年 | 39篇 |
2020年 | 55篇 |
2019年 | 69篇 |
2018年 | 90篇 |
2017年 | 74篇 |
2016年 | 81篇 |
2015年 | 75篇 |
2014年 | 134篇 |
2013年 | 254篇 |
2012年 | 163篇 |
2011年 | 206篇 |
2010年 | 146篇 |
2009年 | 173篇 |
2008年 | 142篇 |
2007年 | 204篇 |
2006年 | 207篇 |
2005年 | 206篇 |
2004年 | 173篇 |
2003年 | 166篇 |
2002年 | 133篇 |
2001年 | 99篇 |
2000年 | 65篇 |
1999年 | 33篇 |
1998年 | 5篇 |
1997年 | 5篇 |
1996年 | 3篇 |
1995年 | 1篇 |
1994年 | 3篇 |
1993年 | 2篇 |
1990年 | 1篇 |
1983年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有3046条查询结果,搜索用时 265 毫秒
111.
信念论政治之局限与后意识形态政治走向——奥克肖特政治“理想类型”理论探析 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
可以把不同社会的不同政治生活看成是人类应对各种挑战的不同应战模式.这类应战模式在奥克肖特看来,可以抽象地划分成为两种极端的"理想类型":信念论政治与怀疑论政治.人们正是通过在这极端"类型"的中间地带作出移动与调整,来使社会适应来自外部与内部环境的不断变化.由于近现代以来人类理性的盲目膨胀,各国应对时代挑战的政治类型在本质上都严重偏向于信念论政治.信念论政治在显现自身合理性的同时,也把人类拖到了极其危险的意识形态政治之中.而解决之道就在于,以向怀疑论政治的适度回归来打通走向后意识形态政治之路. 相似文献
112.
Nerissa Gailey 《Journal of homosexuality》2017,64(12):1713-1730
This article explores trans identities, as articulated within a few historical texts. From early literary depictions of gender difference, to medicalized conceptions of transsexualism, to a proliferation of trans and queer identities represented by an ever-expanding “alphabet soup” of identity labels, our understandings of identities, sexualities, and queer community-building continue to change. I use the notion of “kind-making,” as elaborated on in the work of Ian Hacking, to illustrate that some queer and trans identifications are affiliative, whereas others are contrastive or oppositional in nature, and these structural differences have important implications with respect to understanding identity and sexuality, and also trans inclusion within LGBT communities and activist efforts. 相似文献
113.
Beverly M. Black Kathleen Preble Bernadette Ombayo 《Journal of Family Social Work》2017,20(5):359-375
ABSTRACTTeen dating violence (TDV) is a significant public health problem, but we know little about how mothers who have been abused respond to TDV. This article analyzes qualitative data from three focus groups conducted with 17 mothers who had experienced abuse. Mothers responded to four hypothetical scenarios of their child reporting TDV to them. Mothers reported that their approach to children’s reports of TDV would entail engaging in varying levels of authoritarianism, considering the gender of the child, and exercising caution in their responses. In response to the scenarios, mothers stated that they would ask questions, educate their teens, contact the perpetrator and/or parents, share their own experiences, and call for outside help. The study’s findings may assist prevention educators working with mothers who experienced abuse in responding to their children’s disclosures of incidents of TDV. 相似文献
114.
Melanie E. Brewster 《Journal of lesbian studies》2017,21(1):47-69
ABSTRACTRecent studies have begun to attend to distribution of household labor within same-gender couples compared to heterosexual couples, yet much of the available research with lesbian couples has attempted to superimpose division of household labor frameworks developed with heterosexual couples (e.g., gender role socialization, exchange bargaining theories) to fit the experiences of same-gender couples. Using two academic search databases, the present article provides a systematic review of the available 28 peer-reviewed articles published from 2000–2015 about lesbian partnerships and household labor divisions. Results indicate that lesbian couples engage in a more equal distribution of household labor than heterosexual couples, and that lesbian women often opt to eschew traditional gendered divisions of chores in favor of other factors such as quality of task or ability. The systematic review uncovered notable constraints in the demography of participants (e.g., race, socioeconomic status, geographic location) across studies. Strategies for deepening the depth and breadth of this line of work for future researchers, and implications for relationship satisfaction are also discussed. 相似文献
115.
Ørnulf Seippel 《Journal of youth studies》2017,20(4):415-429
Recent decades have seen the growth of various strands of right-wing populist political orientations, where populism and critique of immigration policies have been central. These ideological developments have caused concern for the legitimacy of social and political institutions. The question explored in this paper, based on Norwegian survey data, is ‘Which types of right political orientations exist among young people, and how do these political attitudes affect trust in social and political institutions?’ The results reveal the existence of both a populist ‘new right’ political orientation similar to the ideology of the Progress Party and a nativist ideology. The new right orientation contains two sets of variables: (i) economic liberalism/state scepticism and (ii) nationalist values. For trust in political institutions, the emerging picture is complex because the nationalist dimension of both the populist orientation and the nativist ideological orientation implies a high level of trust in political institutions. To the extent the new right political orientations causes mistrust, it seems to come from the liberal economic, anti-statist values included in this ideology. Based on these findings, future researchers should distinguish more clearly between the ideological dimensions going into populist political right orientations and the relationship between attitudes and more practical implications of such ideologies. 相似文献
116.
Judith Bessant 《Information, Communication & Society》2017,20(7):1057-1072
ABSTRACTThis article argues that the conventional conceptualization in political science of politics is problematic, that it is overly narrow and constrained. This is because it excludes a range of actions like satire and humour which have come to play an increasing role in inspiring and provoking powerful political emotions and in informing the political agenda. Drawing on the work of critical scholars, it is argued that emotion, ethics and art can be deeply political. Moreover, new forms of media have encouraged new–old forms of political action often at the hands of young people who hitherto have been marginalized from the public sphere. Digital technology enables the production of user-generated content, opening new spaces for information, the exchange of ideas and mobilization. This article highlights the work of the young German satirist Jan Böhmermann to demonstrate how expressive art is playing a major role in shaping public opinion, in contesting power elites and informing political debate. In short, I use Böhmermann’s 2015 satire depicting Greco-German relations in the midst of a financial crisis and fears of loan defaults to argue for a broader understanding of politics that is inclusive of activities conventionally deemed non-rational. 相似文献
117.
118.
119.
Hussin M. Mutalib 《Asian Ethnicity》2017,18(1):54-73
Many governments, in their zeal to progress and deliver the fruits of development, are caught in a web of unsavory habits and practices that impair not only their international image but also domestic legitimacy. One such perennially persistent and resilient disease is ‘money politics.’ Taking Malaysia as a case study, we note that despite sustaining a remarkable record of economic and multiethnic stability, the country has also been helpless in mitigating this obstinate issue. In this article, it is posited that the phenomenon is not a new or recent portent but has actually persisted even prior to independence. We shall then contend that unless the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition government attaches greater priority in stamping out this political bug, the country’s otherwise enviable development trajectory and the quest to reach a ‘developed nation’ status via its Vision 2020 declaration, even if fulfilled, are not cause for celebration, given its implications to the country’s economic sustainability and multiethnic stability. 相似文献
120.